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(Cw: ableism) The Ugly Law (en.m.wikipedia.org)
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From 1867 to 1974, various cities of the United States had unsightly beggar ordinances, retroactively named ugly laws.[1] These laws targeted poor people and disabled people. For instance, in San Francisco a law of 1867 deemed it illegal for "any person, who is diseased, maimed, mutilated or deformed in any way, so as to be an unsightly or disgusting object, to expose himself or herself to public view."[2][1] Exceptions to public exposure were acceptable only if the people were subjects of demonstration, to illustrate the separation of disabled from nondisabled and their need for reformation.[3]: 47

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(Mirror. This excerpt takes approximately three minutes to read.)

Daniel Pasmanik (1869–1930) […] recalled his irritation upon hearing of the Russian soldiers’ delight when they were informed of Nicholas II’s overthrow. The soldiers expected that they would be able to return home, but as Pasmanik wrote in April 1917, Russia’s redemption required the removal of German militarism.⁴⁶

His view accorded with the Kadet policy to continue the war, a view that Bolshevik “defeatism” attacked. He attended a meeting of the city duma (congress) of Yalta following the February Revolution, where he claimed that no revolution would be realistic in peasant Russia, but attendees at the meeting were opposed to his idea.

After the meeting, he became more convinced that conscientious intellectuals’ lack of “monarchist energy” and “aim and solid will” to defeat demagoguery allowed the devastating situation of Russia.⁴⁷ He also tried to organize officers privately, though their “passivity” prevented him from succeeding.⁴⁸

Pasmanik considered the Bolshevik idea of the proletarian dictatorship to be narrow-minded and concerned only with proletarian interests. Furthermore, as a supporter of unfettered cultural creation, he suspected that the “uncultured” nature of the Bolsheviks would lead to Russia’s moral degeneration.

Though he emphasized that Zionism would not aim to preserve a specific culture and thus was reluctant to discuss Jewish culture per se, in the period after 1917 he often used the terms cultural or uncultured. Although he did not define it, his use of the term cultural suggested something civilized and Westernized. As I will note when I return to this issue later, he held a strong conviction that becoming “cultural” would change a barbaric human nature into a sophisticated one with a broad, statewide perspective.⁴⁹

In his Counterrevolutionary Diary (1923),⁵⁰ Pasmanik wrote about his motivation to serve the White resistance in these terms: “I am a determined opponent of all the revolutions following the war. For each was born not of the joy of creation but of defeat, that is, it was born of statewide attrition and cultural degeneration. […] In every respect, postrevolutionary Russia is losing the wealth that old Russia had.”

He defined the Russian Revolution as “an inevitable catastrophe under existing conditions, under the fully relaxed, obsolete bureaucracy, short-sighted obstinacy of the tsar, exhaustion of the front, feeble intelligentsia, lack of strong individuality, and uncultured masses.” Though seemingly inevitable, he wrote that “the revolt of the slaves will never lay the foundation for progress.”⁵¹

His suspicion of the Bolsheviks’ “anarchist” stance, which he believed would hamper any cultural creation, predated the October Revolution. His articles in Ialtinskii golos, the Kadet daily [that] he edited, depicted the Bolsheviks as belonging to a crime ring and their tactics as demagogic.⁵² Correspondence from Burtsev reveals that he accused Bolshevik activists of having participated in espionage for Germany.⁵³

[…]

In 1920, he began editing the Russian Whites’ daily Obshchee delo with Burtsev in Paris. In September 1919 he had already contributed his first article to the newspaper, entitled “The Jewish Question in Russia.” He admitted that in theory the Bolsheviks should not be involved in pogroms, whereas the White Army led by Alexander Kolchak and Anton Denikin was antagonistic toward Jews and its victory would trigger pogroms.

But Pasmanik went on to stress that despite a general tendency to avoid violence, the Bolsheviks nevertheless demolished the economic life of the Jewish middle class. Moreover, in actuality, although Bolshevik rule rarely caused pogroms, once it was overthrown unprecedented, brutal pogroms occurred because radical members of the Bolsheviks, such as the commissars, included Jews.

Interestingly enough, Pasmanik noted that his close observation of Denikin’s activity did not find any pogroms in the area under Denikin’s rule. Pasmanik explained this as follows:

The unit of General Denikin entertained the ideal of gosudarstvennost’ [statehood], under which the harmonious unity of the classes, peoples, and religious groups would be achieved. Such a cultural concept of gosudarstvennost’ firmly contradicts anti-Jewish pogroms. Therefore, despite the antisemitic tendency of these and other officers or soldiers, his army as a whole did not allow pogroms, which, at last analysis, cast seeds of dissociation throughout the state.⁶²

In his own understanding, then, Pasmanik was never involved with anti-Jewish personalities and never betrayed his Jewish nationalism.

[…]

Pasmanik further lamented that although Russia was in need of a strong unifying force, how to achieve this was a matter of contention, with émigrés internally divided—the left calling for democracy and the right for reaction.

It was in this context that he expressed his belief in the merits of fascism, for it promised the strong leadership [that] he believed was necessary. Fascism in Italy was a historical necessity, Pasmanik contended, arguing that Mussolini had been successful not only because he enjoyed support from a variety of people but also because he was a cultured figure.

Pasmanik also indicated that because Mussolini was cultured, he never allowed robbery, pogroms, or lawlessness, although recent scholarship has proven that this was not the case with other fascists.⁸⁴

(Emphasis added. See Taro Tsurumi’s citations for examples of this Herzlian’s prominence. Contrary to what Pasmanik wrote, Benito Mussolini did not prevent antisemitic violence, not even when Pasmanik was still alive.)

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(Mirror.)

An official who helped the [Third Reich] frame the anti-Jewish Nuremberg Laws reinvented himself after World War II “as a spymaster, diplomat and kingmaker” and “played a key role” in the development of Israel’s nuclear program, according to a British newspaper report.

Hans Globke was a senior civil servant in the [Fascist]-era interior ministry and was centrally involved in the interpretation and implementation of the Nuremberg race laws, as well as contributing to the “Jewish code” that was enforced in Slovakia, the Times of London said.

When Hitler seized power, Globke “took responsibility for ‘questions of citizenship and race,'” and won praise from his bosses for his “positive attitude” to [Fascism], the Times of London reported. “In 1936, he wrote an infamous legal commentary on the Nuremberg race laws,” and his guidebook “became ubiquitous in Nazi Germany’s courtrooms,” offering “many harsh interpretations of the rules.”

He stipulated, for example, that “sex between Aryans and non-Aryans was a crime even if it took place outside Germany.” He also introduced the statute that “forced Jews to take the middle name Israel, if they were men, or Sara, if they were women, so that they would be easier to identify.”

When World War II began, he traveled through [Fascist]-occupied territories, “from France to Czechoslovakia, issuing further rulings on how to distinguish between Aryans and ‘lesser’ races.”

In 1941, according to the Times, he was involved in drafting “an ordinance that stripped Jews in the conquered nations of their statehood and allowed their possessions to be confiscated, regarded as one of the most important legal bases of the Holocaust.”

Yet, the Times noted, Globke managed to reinvent himself after the war, to the point where he “had a distinguished cast of anti-Nazis lining up to testify under oath that he had been an instrumental figure in the resistance against Hitler.”

In its story published earlier this month, the Times said documents it had discovered also show Globke had connections to the formation of Israel’s nuclear program and to the trial of Adolf Eichmann, one of the major organizers of the Holocaust.

After World War II ended, Globke was seen by the West as more of a functionary in the [Fascist] government than a true loyalist or [Fascist] ideologue, the Times noted. He even appeared as a witness at the post-war Nuremberg trials.

Globke went on to serve as chief of staff and a trusted confidant to former conservative West German chancellor Konrad Adenauer, between 1953 and 1963, and was responsible for recruitment to the heart of the West German government.

His continued service in the West German government led him, in turn, to a well-connected position within the intelligence community.

This position and his connections were used to ensure Globke’s name did not come up in the 1961–1962 trial of Eichmann in Israel, and, with help from the CIA, to ensure his name was also kept out of documents related to the trial. “The Germans persuaded the White House to get the CIA to expunge all mention of Globke from a serialization of Eichmann’s memoirs in an American magazine,” The Times reported. More than that, Eichmann’s lawyer, Robert Servatius, who was also “a West German intelligence asset, cut Globke’s name and others out of his client’s final speech to the court.”

Months before the Eichmann trial, the Times reported, Globke had assisted Adenauer in beginning work on a secret deal to lend Israel today’s equivalent of £4 billion (about $5.5 billion) for a “development project” in the Negev desert.

Documents released to Gaby Weber, a German journalist, show that this money was intended for use in the Dimona nuclear research facility and reactor. Foreign news reports have said the facility is used to make nuclear weapons.

The Times report said a memorandum from the German foreign ministry at the time describes a meeting between German defense minister Franz-Josef Strauss and then-prime minister David Ben Gurion: “Ben Gurion addressed the production of atomic weapons. In the conversation, Ben Gurion explained that the chancellor had promised him Germany would take part in the development of the Negev desert.”

The report said the Germans appeared to have suspended the nuclear-related negotiations during the Eichmann trial. “In no event can we make any undertakings before the conclusion of the Eichmann trial,” a German foreign ministry document said.

The Times report did not say whether the talks were renewed after the trial, and nor did it specify whether the $5.5 billion loan money ended up being sent, though it said Globke “played a key role in Israel’s development of nuclear weapons.”

Globke was only one of the many, possibly thousands of Axis war criminals that the Herzlians covered up for military technology.

See also: Mossad intentionally hired Axis war criminal Walter Rauff

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Image source is Freedom Archives: Jewish Alliance Against Zionism. I do not find an item page for the specific document. higher quality PDF

text/description of flierCommemorate the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising 1943 & the Resistance at Tal al Zaatar 1976

Songs of Jewish and Palestinian resistance, poems, slides, and more

Wednesday, May 2, 8PM

La Pena Cultural Center 105 Shattuck, Berkeley

$2 donation

text is superimposed over a photo of a woman wearing a keffiya, I believe it is Leila Khaled (ليلى خالد)

Summer, 1976 Tal al Zaatar Refugee Camp, Beirut, Lebanon: Courageously, the Palestinian and Lebanese people of Tal al Zaatar defended themselves against a brutal attack by the Lebanese fascist forces.

text is superimposed over a photo of Rachela Wyszogrodzka, a captured militant in the Warsaw Uprising source

April-May 1943 Warsaw Ghetto; Poland: Against overwhelming odds, Jewish resistance fighters held off Nazi stormtroopers.

Throughout the world people remember and are inspired by these acts of heroic resistance.


script for the event

According to 2024 essay by Hilton Obenzinger (who was one of the organizers), “To Fight Against Injustice is to be A Jew”: Jewish Alliance Against Zionism 1978-1982, linked from the source page, this flier was printed in 1976.

portion of the essay which describes this event

The parallels of what Jews suffered and what Palestinians were then enduring led us to create a dramatic program to “Commemorate the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising 1943 & the Resistance at Tal al Zaatar 1976.” We dramatized the 1976 Palestinian resistance to the siege by Lebanese fascists (supported by Israel) of Tal al-Zaatar refugee camp on the outskirts of Beirut and the 1943 uprising of the Warsaw Ghetto against the Nazi extermination of the last Jews in the ghetto: “The dramatic presentation you are about to hear is a collective effort to try to convey more what it was like at the Warsaw Ghetto, at Tal al Zaatar.” Lincoln Bergman, drawing from his long experience doing radio productions, pulled together first-hand accounts, radio broadcasts, and other material in a narrative/testimony of both historic last stands, woven together with others in the group, and members of JAAZ took the stage to read the dramatic accounts alongside each other. Here are some excerpts:

Warsaw: “The young men and women of my group had been waiting for this moment for months, the moment when we would shoot back at the Germans. Suddenly, they entered near our post, thousands, armed, and we, some twenty young men and women, had a revolver, a grenade, some bombs, home-made ones that had to be lit by matches. It must have been strange to see us happily standing up against them; happy because we knew their end would come. We knew that ultimately they would conquer us, but we also knew that they would pay heavily for our lives. It was a joy for the fighters to see the Germans retreat. On the first day, we with our poor arms drove the Germans from the ghetto.”

“It is difficult to describe life in the Ghetto during that time. People were embracing and kissing each other during the first days. And although it was clear to each of us that we would be killed, we were satisfied to know that we had avenged the murders of our people. Fighting back made our lot easier.”

Tal al Zaatar: “We speak to you from our besieged camp of Tal al Zaatar, not to obtain sympathy, but from a position of heroic steadfastness which this camp has obtained for every moment of this long siege. The fascists have shelled our homes with unprecedented savagery. Thousands of shells and rockets have fallen on them, while 73 major attacks have been launched against us, all of which we have confronted and repelled.

“There are things we shall never talk about, because the inhuman horror of Nazism has found a place in this tragedy. The sadism was incredible. We had read about the Nazis but were unprepared for anything like this. We saw cars dragging bodies of Palestinians . . . A fascist militiaman killed a few-months old baby in his father’s arms, saying, ‘I want to taste this famous Palestinian blood.’”

And alongside this account, the diary of young girl in Warsaw: “The Germans march with this song on their lips: ‘When Jewish Blood Spurts from the Knife.’”

Tal al Zaatar: “I was there at Tal al Zaatar and I can say that not once did we contemplate the notion of surrendering. At the end 600 fighters were able to sneak out of the camp for the mountains, even though many were badly injured. Despite the hunger and thirst, despite the fact that we were dying of hunger, the reason we did not surrender was that the people themselves would not surrender . . . “

The role of women was dramatic in both battles. In Tal al Zaatar, “Many of the sisters were fighters themselves. Another major task was the transporting of arms, and some of those sisters stayed to help save other fighters.”

Warsaw: “The youngest member of our combat group in the Ghetto was a young woman, the only daughter of a wealthy family, but she had grown up in revolutionary student circles. Her firmness of character was revealed just before the uprising when her father obtained ‘good papers’ and a place for the family in the non-Jewish section. She refused to go, saying ‘I no longer belong to myself, my place is in the Ghetto with my comrades.’ In the fighting she was assigned to a group led by one of our most prominent warriors. Suddenly she saw an enemy gun pointing at her commander. She shielded her commander with her own body and was killed. ‘My life is less important,’ she said, dying. ‘She’s the commander, we need her more.’”

The parallels were eerie and tragic: “For us at Tal al Zaatar, we feel a strong bond with the Warsaw Ghetto. We have been reading books about the Warsaw Ghetto uprising, and the radio broadcasts coming from the besieged Jews there in the last days are the only things we have encountered which are like what we went through at Tal al Zaatar.”

Both the Ghetto and the refugee camp were defeated in the military sense, but they held obvious, enduring messages. The dramatization draws to a close with a passage by Martin Buber:

“The true history of humanity is not composed of sterile victories but of fruitful defeats. A hopeless minority fighting an anti-human oppressor does not experience what we are used to calling success. It ‘fails,’ but succumbing it may announce and prepare a great turn. Out of the seed decomposing in the soil the new stem invisibly sprouts.”

And the performance ends with a basic lesson: “We must fight against fascism. The only way to exist is to resist.”

We felt that we too were under siege, and we too would battle to the end. No doubt a romantic illusion, our heroic image of ourselves, but we knew our own resistance to Zionism was also going to be a failure, at least at first. How could we stop the machine that was the State of Israel backed to the hilt by the US? But it would be a good failure, one that planted those seeds, a failure to reclaim Jewish culture. To be sure, though, while we wanted to salvage or redeem Jewish culture, the struggle above all was for the liberation of the Palestinians and only secondarily of ourselves.

On May 2, 1979 (close to the anniversary of the Warsaw Ghetto revolt), we performed the Warsaw Ghetto/Tal al-Zaatar dramatic reading at La Pena, the cultural center in Berkeley founded by Chilean exiles from the Pinochet dictatorship soon after the coup in the early 70s. But the program did not go unnoticed by the Zionists. Outside there were leaflets accusing us of the usual things, that we were self-hating Jews and anti-Semites. Appealing more to the left, one flyer also claimed that Zionism was not a settler, apartheid ideology but the national liberation movement of the Jews, and Israel was an anti-colonial state.

La Pena also received a bomb threat, the first ever for any of their programs. Lincoln went to meet with people from La Pena a week or so before the event. “They had received a call from the Jewish Federation of the East Bay who told them—look, it’s not us, but we’ve heard some things stemming from some more threatening elements of the Jewish community. We’ve heard rumors that they plan to bomb La Peña if you go ahead with this program by this group JAAZ. We just wanted to warn you, to caution you that if you go ahead with the program, these elements have made these threats.” So the Jewish Federation was doing a service by warning La Pena (actually conveying the threat). “But both JAAZ and La Peña wanted to go ahead,” Lincoln explains. “So in order to be as safe as possible, we had careful security and we searched the place and the people at the door. As it turned out, it was very well attended and the security only added to the general atmosphere and heightened the drama. The reading was successful and extremely powerful, and was not interrupted. It was professionally recorded and was later played on KPFA a number of times, not only that year but in later years, and is part of the collection at the Freedom Archives.”

Leslie Simon remembers the bomb threat, which she believes came from the JDL. “I brought my Palestinian boss to the program (I was working at the restaurant he owned called Cafe Strand at Noe and Market). He remarked on how all the Jews looked like Palestinians. I reminded him we were cousins.” Cindy Shamban felt that the play “was so clear about the connections between the Warsaw Ghetto and the struggle of the Palestinians,” she couldn’t understand why everyone didn’t understand that. The program was performed again in July 1982 with an addition of a new ending that incorporated the eyewitness accounts of the latest horror, Israel’s invasion of Lebanon – and this was even months before the Sabra and Shatila massacre shocked the world.

Full text: “To Fight Against Injustice is to be A Jew”: Jewish Alliance Against Zionism 1978-1982


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(Every blank is a different nation or nationality)

In 1972, three (1) _______ radicals smuggled (2) _______-made assault rifles in violin cases into an airport in (3) _______, where the security ignored them because they were on the lookout for (4) _______ threats. The radicals opened fire and 28 people were killed in the ensuing firefight, including two attackers.

The sole surviving radical plead guilty, saying, "It was my duty as a soldier of the revolution." He was given a life sentence, but was released in a prisoner exchange after 13 years. Upon release, he became the only person to ever claim political asylum in (5) ______, which does not have an extradition treaty with his home country (where he's still wanted). He is still alive, at 77, and resides there to this day, reportedly watching cartoons like Tom and Jerry.

In 2008, (6) _______ (ethnicity) families of victims of the attack sued the government of (7) _______ for allegedly supporting the attacks and (8) _______ ordered that country to pay $378 million to the families.


Points awarded for either getting correct guesses or coming up with something that feels more like a game of Mad Libs than the correct answers do. I'll be especially impressed if anyone guesses (1) correctly.

spoiler

spoiler no peeking

  1. Japanese

  2. Czech

  3. Israel

  4. Palestinian

  5. Lebanon

  6. Puerto Rican

  7. DPRK

  8. United States

The Japanese Red Army was wild

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/K%C5%8Dz%C5%8D_Okamoto

https://www.arabnews.com/node/2094256/%7B%7B

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He also has a 2 hour video on the subject but I haven't seen it yet.

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People may be familiar with the incarceration of Japanese Americans in vast relocation camps during WWII. But, most are unaware that the U.S. government also detained thousands of Japanese, German and Italian immigrants living across Latin America — and their native-born spouses and children — and deported them to the U.S.

Their ultimate goal? To exchange them for U.S. citizens captured by enemy countries during the war.

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and was curious what is was about, there was a prominent USA flag next to it.

Am Yisrael Chai (Hebrew: עַם יִשְׂרָאֵל חַי, pronounced [am jisʁaˈʔel χaj]; lit. 'The People of Israel Live') is a slogan of solidarity among Jews. It is used to express strength and unity, typically in the face of adversity, but also in moments of peace and prosperity. To this end, it has historically featured in Jewish music, literature, art, and politics.

The phrase gained popular use as the solidarity anthem of the United States movement Student Struggle for Soviet Jewry in the 1960s and 1970s. According to The Forward, the slogan ranks second as an "anthem of the Jewish people" behind only Hatikvah, the national anthem of the State of Israel.

https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Student_Struggle_for_Soviet_Jewry

The Student Struggle for Soviet Jewry, also known by its acronym SSSJ, was founded in 1964 by Jacob Birnbaum to be a spearhead of the U.S. movement for rights of the Jews in the Soviet Union, particularly their right to emigrate to Israel.

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His parents were Russian socialists who fled the Tsarist regime. He lectured at Harvard at age 12 before graduating at 16. Then he was persecuted for being a socialist and anti-WW1 protestor, withdrew from public life, and died prematurely while working menial jobs to fund his independent research.

I am, somehow, less interested in the weight and convolutions of Einstein's brain than in the near certainty that people of equal talent have lived and died in cotton fields and sweatshops

-Stephen Jay Gould

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view more: next ›

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