A popular uprising by Palestinian Arabs in Mandatory Palestine against the British administration, known as the Great Revolt, and later the Great Palestinian Revolt or the Palestinian Revolution, lasted from 1936 until 1939. The movement sought independence from British colonial rule and the end of British support for Zionism, including Jewish immigration and land sales to Jews.
The uprising occurred during a peak in the influx of European Jewish immigrants, and with the growing plight of the rural fellahin rendered landless, who as they moved to metropolitan centres to escape their abject poverty found themselves socially marginalized. Since the Battle of Tel Hai in 1920, Jews and Arabs had been involved in a cycle of attacks and counter-attacks, and the immediate spark for the uprising was the murder of two Jews by a Qassamite band, and the retaliatory killing by Jewish gunmen of two Arab labourers, incidents which triggered a flare-up of violence across Palestine. A month into the disturbances, Amin al-Husseini, president of the Arab Higher Committee and Mufti of Jerusalem, declared 16 May 1936 as "Palestine Day" and called for a general strike. David Ben-Gurion, leader of the Yishuv, described Arab causes as fear of growing Jewish economic power, opposition to mass Jewish immigration and fear of the British identification with Zionism.
The general strike lasted from April to October 1936. The revolt is often analysed in terms of two distinct phases. The first phase began as spontaneous popular resistance, which was seized on by the urban bourgeois Arab Higher Committee, giving the movement an organized shape that was focused mainly on strikes and other forms of political protest, in order to secure a political result. By October 1936, this phase had been defeated by the British civil administration using a combination of political concessions, international diplomacy (involving the rulers of Iraq, Saudi Arabia, Transjordan and Yemen) and the threat of martial law. The second phase, which began late in 1937, was a peasant-led resistance movement provoked by British repression in 1936 in which increasingly British forces were targeted as the army itself increasingly targeted the villages it thought supportive of the revolt. During this phase, the rebellion was brutally suppressed by the British Army and the Palestine Police Force using repressive measures that were intended to intimidate the whole population and undermine popular support for the revolt. A more dominant role on the Arab side was taken by the Nashashibi clan, whose NDP party quickly withdrew from the rebel Arab Higher Committee, led by the radical faction of Amin al-Husseini, and instead sided with the British – dispatching "Fasail al-Salam" (the "Peace Bands") in coordination with the British Army against nationalist and Jihadist Arab "Fasail" units (literally "bands").
According to official British figures covering the whole revolt, the army and police killed more than 2,000 Arabs in combat, 108 were hanged, and 961 died because of what they described as "gang and terrorist activities". In an analysis of the British statistics, Walid Khalidi estimates 19,792 casualties for the Arabs, with 5,032 dead: 3,832 killed by the British and 1,200 dead due to intracommunal terrorism, and 14,760 wounded. By one estimate, ten percent of the adult male Palestinian Arab population between 20 and 60 was killed, wounded, imprisoned or exiled. Estimates of the number of Palestinian Jews killed are up to several hundred.
The road to the 1936 revolt https://palmuseum.org/en/museum-from-home/stories-from-palestine/road-1936-revolt
THE 1936-39 REVOLT IN PALESTINE, GHASSAN KANAFANI https://pflp-documents.org/documents/PFLP-Kanafani3639.pdf
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cross-posted from: https://news.abolish.capital/post/43928
This article was originally published by Truthout on April 20, 2026. It is shared here under a Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0) license.
A reckoning could be coming for pro-Israel groups known for doxxing Palestine advocates. In March, the Chicago chapter of the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR-Chicago) filed a class-action lawsuit in Illinois state court against the organizations Canary Mission and StopAntisemitism, as well as groups and individuals identified as their funders or board members.
“This case represents addressing a broader harm caused by organized doxxing and harassment campaigns,” Laila Ali, a Chicago-based artist and activist and one of six named plaintiffs in the lawsuit, told Truthout.“I’m hoping that it’ll establish clear consequences for those who engage in those tactics.”
StopAntisemitism and Canary Mission have histories of systematically posting the personal information of individuals (known as doxxing or doxing) who engage in pro-Palestine speech, or criticize Israel’s assaults on Palestine and the United States’ involvement, on their websites and social media channels to whip up attack campaigns. Many of those targeted have been Arab, Muslim, or Palestinian young professionals who have faced backlash on university campuses or in their workplaces, as well as online harassment and threats to their personal safety.
Alongside Ali, the named plaintiffs in the new case include two physicians, an IT professional, a former University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign student organizer, and an English lecturer at Loyola University Chicago. The class includes anyone residing in Illinois who has had their personal information shared by StopAntisemitism or Canary Mission without their consent and experienced harm as a result. CAIR-Chicago Staff Attorney Noah Halpern told Truthout his organization expects the group to include about 300 people. The organization is still soliciting outreach from Illinois residents who may be part of this class.
“The goal is to have relief for everyone and do that through this vehicle of a class action,” Halpern explained to Truthout. The lawsuit seeks injunctive and declaratory relief and damages, meaning CAIR-Chicago would like to secure a judgment prohibiting the defendants from doxxing Illinois residents, requiring the defendants to remove existing content about Illinois residents from their social media channels and websites, awarding damages to compensate for harms to the plaintiffs, and assessing punitive damages.
The case was filed using Illinois’s Civil Liability for Doxing Act, which took effect in January 2024. Halpern said that bringing a case like this was on the minds of CAIR-Chicago’s lawyers as soon as that law passed. “We’re excited to be moving forward and to have the opportunity to try to hold Canary Mission and their affiliates accountable,” he told Truthout.
The first reported verdict under the Illinois law came down in March, when a Will County judge awarded close to $46,000 to an election worker who was targeted after a fabricated Facebook post about her was shared dozens of times.
In July 2024, CAIR-Chicago also filed a doxxing case against Wayne Levinson and Canary Mission on behalf of Illinois resident Kinza Khan, seeking damages exceeding $75,000 for the emotional distress, life disruptions, and economic harm she experienced after being doxxed. In November 2023, Levinson filmed Khan near a light pole plastered with “Kidnapped by Hamas” posters. The video went viral after Levinson posted it to Instagram, and Canary Mission then posted Khan’s personal information on its website alongside claims that she supported terrorism and antisemitism. Khan has suffered harassment and significant emotional distress since her information was made public. Her case is ongoing.
Ali was targeted after a similar video showing her tearing down a poster affixed to a light pole near her workplace was shared online. “When I was taking down the poster, it was like I was seeing so much grievance, I was seeing so many Palestinian people lose their families and their homes, and I was seeing this [poster campaign] to shape the narrative of what was happening, so the onus was on me to take that down,” Ali told Truthout.
She never imagined the act would cost her job and lead to months of online harassment and threats to her safety. But that’s what happened after StopAntisemitism posted the video and asked followers to identify Ali in January 2024. Subsequently, StopAntisemitism shared Ali’s personal information alongside the video and tagged her employer. Soon, Ali was receiving dozens of harassing messages online, and her employer was receiving calls and emails demanding she be fired. After the company posted a statement on X announcing it had fired Ali, StopAntisemitism celebrated the decision.
“It was immediate,” Ali told Truthout. “The day after I got doxxed, the following morning, I had a meeting via Zoom and [my employer] essentially said, ‘You didn’t do anything wrong, but we do have to terminate you.’ It was just too much bad PR for the company.”
Doxxing campaigns launched by pro-Israel groups like the one Ali endured often hinge on claims that engaging in pro-Palestine or anti-Zionist speech or criticizing Israel is antisemitic. This conflation has been weaponized with greater fervor since October 7, 2023, with the aim of intimidating or silencing critics of the Israeli government and U.S. foreign policy and those expressing solidarity with Palestinians. StopAntisemitism boasts that of more than 1,000 individuals it has doxxed since that date, over 400 have been fired.
“The way that the rhetoric was twisted in order to equate anti-Zionism and antisemitism, we’re experiencing the aftermath of the harm that did,” Laura Goldstein, a lecturer at Loyola and another named plaintiff in the CAIR-Chicago suit, told Truthout. “That unfortunate and tragic weaponization of that terminology has been so harmful to so many people, and we’re in the process of unwrapping it now — that’s the work we’re doing [in this lawsuit].”
Goldstein was targeted by Canary Mission in April 2024. They serve as a faculty advisor for their campus chapter of Students for Justice in Palestine, and Canary Mission claimed the chapter had endorsed war crimes. It also published Goldstein’s name, social media handles, workplace, and other identifying information on its website. Soon after, Goldstein began receiving harassing messages on social media, via email, and even a letter delivered to their on-campus mailbox. The messages included graphic threats of sexual violence.
“It’s like a cold wave of fear that just paralyzes your entire body. I was extremely scared for my life, extremely scared of being treated in the ways that were being threatened,” Goldstein recalled to Truthout. “I thought they knew where to find me and that they were going to do it because that’s what they were saying.”
Ali recalls having a similar reaction when StopAntisemitism posted her information online. “It was incredibly stressful, very rattling, and isolating,” she told Truthout.
Alongside more easily quantifiable harms, like Ali’s loss of employment, the CAIR-Chicago lawsuit also addresses the emotional and psychological fallout of being targeted by a doxxing campaign. “The fear that doxxing causes, the substantial life disruptions that doxxing causes — like people change their commuting behavior, install extra security features in their homes, change the way they use the internet because they’ve been doxxed — the statute contemplates that as injury, as well,” Halpern explained to Truthout.
Although many things have changed for Ali and Goldstein, neither said the attacks had deterred them from speaking out for Palestine. “That level of threat was effective in terms of the level of fear that it produced in me, [but] what wasn’t effective was that I didn’t stop doing anything that I was doing in terms of my justice work,” Goldstein said.
Goldstein also told Truthout it was particularly meaningful to them as a Jewish person to be a named plaintiff “to show that being anti-Zionist, being anti-genocide goes across different groups of humanity [and that] those of us who believe in justice, who believe in speaking out for other people and against harm of other people — that’s an important value.”
The case is in its earliest stages, and it is too soon to know how long it will take to reach a courtroom. But Halpern told Truthoutthat CAIR-Chicago welcomes the chance to shed light on Canary Mission’s secretive dealings and to demand accountability from StopAntisemitism and Canary Mission for the harm they have caused to so many Illinoisans.
“[The lawsuit] brings to the forefront that these are not legitimate organizations, they’re not legitimately trying to fight antisemitism, [and] they’re not putting out credible information,” Halpern said. “They are propaganda, at best, and at worst, something more sinister and a real attempt to harm people who are speaking up and speaking out about the rights of Palestinians and of the oppression that the state of Israel has inflicted upon Palestinians.”
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Several months ago I had a lot of ideas rolling around in my head regarding this idea of community, networking (social and electronic), and administration. It looked something like this and like this.
From a post I wrote on community:
As working-class people, as wage laborers, as members of physical and digital communities, there must be a way to reorganize our digital social lives so that we can bridge the gap between the global and the local. So much of the "local" is lost in the global digital sea. Hundreds, thousands, or hundreds of thousands of people all live within the local range of each of us, and yet the platforms we engage with thrust us into communicating with people hundreds, thousands, or hundreds of thousands of miles away. Much of this has to do with capital accumulation, you need to centralize as many people into your tent to maximize profits. This, in a way, is a form of capitalist encirclement. Our digital lives, and digital communities, are at the mercy of capitalist rule and often subjected to capitalist discipline.
I still feel this is broadly true. In the time since I made this post Hexbear has had its ups and downs, both social, and technical. We've nearly lost our domain address, we've had a fair few struggle sessions, we've debated the contradiction between posters and mods. We've seen new left communities emerge into our space, like the comrades at Anarchist Nexus. The social consciousness of places like db0 have made qualitative shifts leading to principled action to protect their community from fascists. Our own @TankieTanuki@hexbear.net is suffering from success, hosting our beloved TankieTube. We've seen the reputation of piefed (a competing solution in the Reddit-like space) have its reputation tarnished over a silly comment I made about how it works. I launched news.abolish.capital, which continues to deliver left news to roughly 50 Lemmy instances every day. I'm sure there is more I'm missing!
What this represents is a growing network of like-minded people, all willing to put in their own time, energy, and money, into building what I think can be called a Proletarian Network, or The Proletarian Web. An Anti-capitalist, revolutionary, network creating spaces that allow us all to communicate, educate, and uplift each other from across the world. We are a diverse, funny, skilled, and resourceful group of people to be sure!
I hesitate to prescribe what exactly The Proletarian Web is, because I think it is bigger then any single persons ideas. All I've done here is what amounts to branding. A logo and a title, to go with my observations.
I write this out as a kind of springboard. I'm currently in the process of finally putting a front page on the abolish.capital domain I bought several months ago. In doing so, it got me thinking about this idea again. I want to include a kind of, manifesto if you will, about what exactly "The Proletarian Web" is, on the site. I want to compile a list of communities and sites that constitute that idea. I want to build a hub that makes The Proletarian Web accessible to more people, to direct them to more places.
I think though, if I'm going to be doing something like that, I can't just rely on my own ideas. I think I need to hear from you, those who inhabit this space along with me. After all, this thing that is forming isn't doing so by itself in isolation. It is the accumulative efforts of all of us! I think whatever we describe The Proletarian Web to be, should be a reflection of the people who exist there.
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