América Latina & Caribe
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Everything to do with the USA's own Imperial Backyard. From hispanics to the originary peoples of the americas to the diasporas, South America to Central America, to the Caribbean to North America (yes, we're also there).
Post memes, art, articles, questions, anything you'd like as long as it's about Latin America. Try to tag your posts with the language used, check the tags used above for reference (and don't forget to put some lime and salt to it).
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Context: Argentina's ambassador to the UN (a massive piece of shit btw) voted to lift the cuban embargo, and she was immediately fired by Milei, but not before the most bootlicking newspaper celebrated the vote
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(Buenos Aires, 1960 - Dique Luján, 2020) Argentine soccer player, one of the greatest in history, often compared to the legendary Pelé. Although his skill with the ball and his refined technique matched that of the Brazilian, Maradona's career was much more irregular: his difficult character, health problems and drug addiction marred part of his career, but did not prevent his genius from shining on numerous occasions. After winning the 1979 World Youth Championship with his country's national team and triumphing two years later with Boca Juniors, he began a European tour that took him to F.C. Barcelona (1982-84), Napoli (1984-91) and Sevilla (1992-93). Back in Argentina, he played for Newell's Old Boys and Boca Juniors before retiring in 1997. With the Argentine national team he participated in four World Cups and won the World Cup title in Mexico (1986), in which he had a wonderful and unforgettable performance.
Argentina's most popular soccer player was born, according to the Civil Registry, on October 30, 1960 in Lanús, although everyone identifies him as El Pelusa from Villa Fiorito, where he spent his childhood and from where he rose to fame. At the age of nine he began his love affair with soccer, when he played in a children's team known as Los Cebollitas. Don Diego, his father, ran a small soccer field in the neighborhood and managed the Estrella Roja team, which Diego Jr. joined as a teenager and in spite of his older teammates. He studied at the Avellaneda commercial school, but did not finish the first year of high school, because he spent his time playing little games (almost juggling) with the ball.
Signed by Argentinos Juniors, he made his debut in the first division in 1976, ten days before his sixteenth birthday. He continued playing for Argentinos Juniors until 1980, and although his team did not win any championship, Maradona was the top scorer in the Argentine tournaments of 1978, 1979 and 1980. In 1979 he was part of the youth team that won the world championship. In 1981 he moved to Boca Juniors (River Plate also tried to sign him), team with which he became champion that same year.
European adventure
By then, the clubs of the old continent were already the natural destination for the great promises of American soccer, and Maradona was the most outstanding. Signed in 1982 by Futbol Club Barcelona for 1,200 million pesetas (7.2 million euros, an astronomical figure at the time), he won the League Cup, the King's Cup (both in 1983) and the Spanish Super Cup (1984) with the Azulgranas, but hepatitis and a major injury affected his performance. Again for an astronomical fee, he moved to Napoli in 1984, with whom he won the 1987 and 1990 leagues, the 1989 UEFA Cup and the 1991 Italian Super Cup.
During his time in Italy, he married Claudia Villafañe, with whom he would have two daughters, Dalma and Giannina. Maradona remained with Napoli until 1991, when an anti-doping control detected cocaine consumption, for which he was suspended for fifteen months. Shortly after, he was arrested in Buenos Aires in a police raid. On April 28, 1992 he was released from prison and was charged with supplying and possessing drugs.
His international career ended stormily at Sevilla, a team with which he did not complete the 1992-1993 season. When he returned to Argentina after his European experience, he played for the Rosario club Newell's Old Boys (1993-1994) and, after serving the suspension imposed in 1994 by the international soccer authority (FIFA), he returned to the Boca Juniors jersey in 1995, in an irregular season in terms of his performance. In October 1997 he announced his definitive retirement after, once again, testing positive in an anti-doping test.
The hand of God and the goal of the century
With the Argentine national team, Maradona had already shown his magic in the team that won the World Youth Championship in Japan (1979). At senior level, Maradona was part of the national teams that took part in four world championships: Spain (1982), Mexico (1986), Italy (1990) and the United States (1994). He won the world championship in Mexico (1986) and was runner-up in Italy (1990). In the 1994 World Cup in the United States, he only played two matches; after the second, he tested positive in an anti-doping control and was suspended.
Where he shone most brightly was undoubtedly in the World Cup in Mexico, when his ability to drag the entire defense of the opposing team with his impressive dribbling and projection left the millions of fans watching the championship on television stunned. Particularly memorable was his performance in the quarterfinals: four years after the Falklands War, England and Argentina were facing each other in a match of maximum rivalry, which ended with a 2-1 victory for the Albicelestes, with two goals by Maradona.
The first of them should have been disallowed (Maradona fisted a ball that was in dispute with the British goalkeeper), but it is no less famous for that: when asked afterwards if he had scored the goal with his hand, Maradona replied that it had been “the hand of God”, and with that name he went down in history. The second goal, rightly called the goal of the century, was one of his geniuses that is hard to beat: starting from his own half, Maradona dribbled past five English players and the goalkeeper, one after the other, and scored with a left-footed shot.
Professionally, after his retirement he worked as a coach, manager of Boca Juniors, sports commentator and television presenter. Despite the numerous scandals and controversies he was involved in during and after his sporting career, Maradona continued to be idolized in his country. El Pelusa knew how to thrill soccer lovers and earned a place in the history of the sport. The song composed by Fito Páez (Dale alegría a mi corazón) and the tango Mago Diego, by Enrique Bugatti, are some of the tributes that his compatriots dedicated to him.
In 2008 he was appointed coach of the Argentine national soccer team, and his tenure, as was to be expected, was controversial: despite having the likes of Leo Messi, whom he recognized as his successor, the Albiceleste team did not make it past the quarterfinals of the 2010 World Cup in South Africa. His unsuccessful coaching career continued in the United Arab Emirates, Belarus, Mexico and finally in his native Argentina; he was coach of Gimnasia La Plata when, at the age of 60, he died due to a sudden worsening of his delicate health.
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Painting: The Oath of the Ancestors JJ is on the right
(c. 1758-1806), former slave, general in the Haitian Revolution, first leader of independent Haiti, and a lwa in the Haitian Vodou pantheon. The specifics of Jean-Jacques Dessalines’s early life are not well documented and historians have not come to a consensus regarding his date and place of birth. He was born around the year 1758 in either west-central Africa or in the Grande Rivière region in the north of the French colony of Saint-Domingue in the Caribbean, where he spent much of his life as a slave on two plantations. In the late eighteenth century, Saint-Domingue was the most wealth-producing colony in the Americas. Much of this wealth was generated through the cultivation and export of sugar and coffee crops. Enslaved people, often purchased by the plantation owners through the transatlantic slave trade, were forced to work on plantations to produce wealth for their masters. Some enslaved people were born in the colony, but the violence inherent in the labor system meant that the laboring population could not be sustained by natural growth and therefore a majority of the slave population in Saint-Domingue was African-born.
Dessalines worked on the Duclos sugar plantation in Cormier for most of his enslaved life and was subjected to excessive violence and brutal discipline by his notoriously cruel white master. He bore the deep scars of his enslavement until his death. On the Duclos plantation, he attained the position of foreman and was eventually sold to a free black master builder named Des Salines. The fact that he kept his second master’s last name, even after the abolition of slavery, suggests that he maintained a better relationship with Des Salines than his first master.
The Revolution
Dessalines’s whereabouts during the first years of the Haitian Revolution are unknown. By 1793, however, it is clear that he was a member of the revolutionary army under the leadership of Toussaint Louverture. He enters the historic record through his promotion to captain as a reward for his gallantry in battle. This same year, the French agents Léger Félicité Sonthonax and Étienne Polverel proclaimed the abolition of slavery in the colony. The French Assemblé Nationale ratified this decision and applied it to the entire French Empire in 1794.
During the Haitian Revolution, Saint-Domingue had become a battleground for the inter-imperial war raging throughout the Atlantic. Louverture and his army gained prominence in the French Republican army as they fought against the Spanish forces that were encroaching from the east and British forces that occupied the southern and western departments of the colony. Former slaves and free people of color fought on all three sides during these battles as they jockeyed for their own personal advantage and interests. During these conflicts, Dessalines secured the position of colonel of the Fourth Regiment in Louverture’s army in 1795. That same year, the Spanish army left the island as a result of the Treaty of Basel in which the eastern side of Hispaniola, formerly the Spanish colony of Santo Domingo, was ceded to the French. The British evacuated the south in 1798. These conflicts, however, had lasting results, and even after the international wars ended, internal divisions still remained.
Louverture’s military victories won him significant power and political authority in the colony, but he struggled for control with the agents that the French metropolitan government sent to the colony. One of the key conflicts occurred between Louverture and the French agent Joseph d’Hédouville. For a brief amount of time, their interests overlapped and they were able to collaborate; it soon became clear to Louverture, however, that Hédouville was his primary competition. After the evacuation of the British, Dessalines assumed command of the region of St. Marc and from there he marched toward Cap-Français to arrest Hédouville. Hédouville was in the process of trying to escape a rebellion under the command of General Moyse Louverture. Moyse had a close relationship with his adoptive “uncle” Toussaint Louverture, but he and his followers also disagreed with some of Louverture’s policies, notably Louverture and Hédouville’s labor laws, which had been enacted in an attempt to revive the colony’s sugar and coffee plantations. Whereas Louverture and Hédouville believed that the war and the colony were not sustainable without agricultural production, Moyse supported small-scale farming and land distribution. Moyse was executed by Louverture for his act of rebellion, but Dessalines was not able to capture Hédouville and, as he fled the colony, Hédouville surrendered his power to Louverture’s rival, André Rigaud, the commander of military forces in the south.
The rivalry between Louverture and Rigaud was ingrained with conflicts based on socioracial status and skin color; Louverture represented a darker-skinned army and Rigaud one of mixed racial heritage. The conflict, however, was based on not only skin color but also political divisions. In 1799 Louverture sent Dessalines to subdue Rigaud’s separatist movement. In March 1800, in a key battle of the War of the South, as it became known, Dessalines and Louverture along with Henry Christophe gathered their vastly larger forces and defeated Rigaud and Alexandre Pétion’s forces at the city of Jacmel. The fighting continued, but Rigaud and his leading generals eventually evacuated the city of Les Cayes in August 1800, enabling Louverture to secure it. Following these battles, Dessalines’s fiancée Marie Félicité Claire Heureuse Bonheur served as a nurse and encouraged him to show mercy to the injured soldiers of Rigaud’s defeated army. Claire Heureuse was likely the daughter of a poor free black couple from Léogane. On 21 October 1801 she married Dessalines in Léogane and the wedding celebration continued for three days. Dessalines is believed to have been a passionate dancer. At the time of their wedding, Dessalines had at least four children with at least one other woman.
Once Louverture assumed the sole leadership role in the colony, he, along with Dessalines and Moyse, attempted to force the population to return to plantation labor. They viewed the export economy as the only way to sustain relative autonomy from France and to secure manufactured goods, most importantly, war materials. Dessalines was in charge of the southern and western departments and used violence or the threat of violence to coerce the laborers to assume the same jobs that they had been forced to work as slaves. This strategy may have been a tactic to appease French anxieties over the lack of productivity in the colony and to assure the metropole that the system could continue as it had previously. This was because Louverture was advocating for greater autonomy, but at the same time he did not want to anger the French government. Louverture issued a constitution in 1801 that professed continued allegiance to France but also declared autonomous government in Saint-Domingue. This document challenged the authority of Napoléon Bonaparte in France and, as a result, Bonaparte began to coordinate a military campaign to regain control of the colony. He sent a force of 30,000 men under the direction of his brother-in-law Charles Victor Emmanuel Leclerc to Saint-Domingue to disarm the “rebel” army. The army arrived in early 1802, and rumors that Bonaparte and Leclerc planned to reintroduce slavery in the colony sparked massive resistance there. A series of defeats led Christophe, Louverture, and Dessalines to surrender to the French, but widespread resistance continued. Leclerc distrusted Louverture and had him deported to France, where he would die in 1803 in a prison at Fort-de-Joux in the Jura mountains.
Christophe, Dessalines, and a number of other commanders in the colonial armies then fought alongside Leclerc to subdue the resistance and to disarm the population. It quickly became clear to these native leaders, however, that their visions for the colony differed significantly from the goals of the Leclerc expedition. They defected and rejoined the rebel camp. Louverture’s absence in the colony paved the way for Dessalines to assume the military rank of general-in-chief in what he began to call the “Indigenous Army.” The perceived threat to universal liberty in Saint-Domingue quickly turned the revolution into a war for independence. This was an all-out war. It was characterized by extreme violence on both sides since both armies assumed that the only solution was the complete eradication of the opposing forces. Leclerc argued that the only way to make Saint-Domingue productive again was to kill the entire population and to start fresh with enslaved captives from Africa.
Dessalines’s army, aided by a bout of yellow fever that ravaged the French army, gained the upper hand. In mid-1803 Dessalines began to plan for independence. The final battled occurred outside the city of Cap-Français at Vertières, and on 29 November 1803 Dessalines signed a peace treaty with Leclerc’s successor, Donatien Marie Joseph Rochambeau, calling for the evacuation of the French army. The treaty provided for the safe evacuation of the French army and any French planters who wished to leave. It also guaranteed the security of those planters who wished to stay. Louverture had previously promised the safety of white plantation owners if they wished to return to their former plantations and Dessalines’s assurances appeared to be mirroring such a strategy. He did not keep this promise, however, and many of these white French plantation owners were killed on Dessalines’s orders.
Independence
A month after the evacuation of the French, on 1 January 1804, Dessalines gathered his generals at Gonaïves and gave a speech that declared the island’s independence from France. This speech was soon published as being addressed to the “citizens of Haiti.” In this proclamation, Dessalines swore “eternal hatred to the French” but promised not to intervene in the affairs of the other empires of the Atlantic. At the time, Dessalines was courting the governments of Britain, Spain, and the United States in an attempt to secure recognition of the island’s independence from France as well as to find trading partners. This recognition was not forthcoming. Dessalines’s speech represents the world’s second successful declaration of independence to form a lasting nation-state, after the United States, and it also created the second independent nation in the Americas. On the same day, Dessalines was named governor-general for life of “Hayti.” This proclamation emphasized the many ways that the French influence could still be felt in the new country and highlighted the need for Haitians to prepare for battle. This call to arms resulted in a series of violent and public massacres of the remaining white French citizens on the island between February and April 1804. A small number of skilled individuals were spared for their perceived usefulness to the new country and British and American merchants were protected. In describing these massacres, Dessalines declared, “I have avenged America.”
In November 1804 Dessalines proclaimed himself Emperor Jacques I of Hayti, but he did not publish a national constitution until 1805. This constitution renewed the law that prohibited slavery and undertook to regulate the social, legal, and commercial structure of the country. Dessalines assumed complete control of the governance and military leadership of the country and ruled Haiti in an authoritarian manner. The 1805 constitution declared that all Haitians were citizens of the same family and were to be considered “black.” This designation was an attempt to eliminate the socio-racial hierarchies that had carried over from the colonial period. Despite efforts like this, Dessalines’s rule, in fact, had a lot in common with the colonial period and many former slaves were forced to go back to plantation labor and once more worked the land for the benefit of others.
By late 1806 Dessalines’s authoritarian rule had inspired resistance among the leading generals of the army, who organized a plot for his overthrow. On 17 October 1806 Dessalines was assassinated by a group of rebels near Pont Rouge just outside of Port-au-Prince. He was shot and his body torn to pieces and paraded through the city. Following Dessalines’s death, a battle for national leadership ensued between the generals Henry Christophe and Alexandre Pétion. Christophe was elected to office under a new constitution in 1806, but he did not agree with the republican style of government. He and his supporters retreated to the north and published a new constitution in 1807. The country split in civil war and Pétion was elected president of the Republic of Haiti in the southern and western departments. For the next decade, the country existed under the two governments of Haiti in a civil war stalemate, which sometimes flared up into outright war.
While the Haitian government had declared independence in 1804, the French government did not immediately acknowledge its defeat and waited until 1825 to extend official diplomatic recognition to Haiti. And, even after such a long time, the French only did so in exchange for an enormous indemnity payment from the Haitian government to compensate the former plantation owners who had lost their human and territorial property during the revolution. The British, Dutch, and Danish empires implicitly recognized Haitian independence in 1826 when they sent consuls to the island, but the United States waited until 1862 to recognize Haiti’s independence. While all of these governments withheld official diplomatic recognition after the Haitian declaration of independence, merchants traded with Haiti, legally and illegally, and helped to support the island’s independence from France.
Following his death, Dessalines was incorporated into the Vodou pantheon as “Ogoun Desalin.” The figure of Ogoun in Haitian Vodou is the innovation of a syncretic amalgamation of the Catholic Saint Jacques and the African warrior spirit Ogoun. Dessalines is the only leader of Haiti to have been named to the Vodou pantheon, and this highlights his continued importance in Haiti’s history.
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Paulo Reglus Neves Freire - New General Megathread for the 18th-19th of September 2024
(hexbear.net)
Paulo Freire, born on the 19th of September in 1921, was a Brazilian philosopher and radical pedagogue most known for his 1968 work Pedagogy of the Oppressed. "Language is never neutral."
Paulo was born in Recife, the capital of the northeastern Brazilian state of Pernambuco. Initially affluent, his family experienced hardship during the Great Depression of the 1930s, and Freire's education suffered due to his own experiences with poverty and hunger.
Freire began working as a schoolteacher in the 1940s, beginning to serve as the director of the Pernambuco Department of Education and Culture in 1946. Due to the 1964 Brazilian coup d'état, where a military dictatorship was put in place with the support of the United States, Paulo Freire was exiled from his home country, an exile that lasted 16 years.
Freire then worked in Chile, until April 1969 when he accepted a temporary position at Harvard University. It was during this period, in 1968, that Freire published his most famous work, "Pedagogy of the Oppressed".
In this text, Freire criticizes what he calls the "banking method" of education, wherein a teacher "deposits" knowledge into an empty vessel, the student, or "bank". Instead, Freire calls upon teacher to engage in a more dialog-centric or creative education, one in which the suppressed experiences of the oppressed help create knowledge, fostering a social reality in which the marginalized are humanized.
Pedagogy of the Oppressed has since become the third most cited book in the social sciences, according to Elliott D. Green. As of 2000, the book had sold over 750,000 copies worldwide.
"Manipulation, sloganizing, depositing, regimentation, and prescription cannot be components of revolutionary praxis, precisely because they are the components of the praxis of domination."
Paulo Freire
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Alerts of "black rain" in Argentina
After the massive forest fires in Bolivia, Brasil and Córdoba (Arg province) have caused a large part of Argentina to have ashen skies, now the incoming rains will catch all that smoke.
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Once certified, the gold could eventually be used as collateral to obtain financing, according to one of the people, who asked not to be identified discussing private information. Before the move, about half of Argentina’s gold was in domestic vaults with the other half in London, another person said.
Officials from the central bank, known by its Spanish acronym BCRA, declined to comment on the matter.
The monetary authority separately confirmed Monday it had sent gold between its accounts, mentioning both ones in the country and others abroad. However, the bank didn’t say how much of its nearly $5 billion in gold was shipped, for what reason or to where.
Bank officials also criticized what they called “irresponsible” reports about the gold going abroad, emphasizing that management of reserves has always been kept confidential.
Newspaper Pagina 12 published a video Aug. 19 of a truck emblazoned with the BCRA logo driving on the highway, reporting that it was en route to the main international airport in Buenos Aires with $250 million of gold bars.
It’s not clear how Caputo and Central Bank Governor Santiago Bausili will use the gold that’s been transferred abroad to be certified. But the economy minister has already said the government is negotiating a special purchase vehicle, or repo agreement, with commercial banks.
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Communist Party of Brazil - New General Megathread for the 31st of August-1st of September 2024
(hexbear.net)
The Communist Party – Brazilian Section of the Communist International (Partido Comunista – Seção Brasileira da Internacional Comunista, PC-SBIC) was founded on 25 March 1922, gathering Brazilian Communists under the same label until the international rupture in the movement that occurred after the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) in 1956, and the 5th Congress of the PC-SBIC in 1960, when Brazilian Communists found themselves divided into two tendencies. At the 20th Congress of the CPSU, Nikita Khrushchev had delivered the so-called "Secret Speech", which denounced the abuses committed by the Soviet state under Joseph Stalin's rule. Khrushchev was considered a revisionist by supporters of the late Stalin, which led to a rupture in the Communist movement in various countries.
In Brazil, the rupture reached the party leadership, which had rebuilt PC-SBIC after the setbacks it suffered under the Estado Novo regime (1930–1945), which tried to pit workers against the party and violently repressed it. The party leadership prior to the rupture, primarily composed of revisionists, was formed in 1943 by João Amazonas, Maurício Grabois, Pedro Pomar, Diógenes Arruda Câmara, and Secretary General Luís Carlos Prestes, among others.
PC-SBIC (1922–1962)
The PC-SBIC was ideologically grounded in the writings of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, and in the actions of Vladimir Lenin in the aftermath of the October Revolution, advocating democratic centralism and Marxism–Leninism. It was launched on 25 March 1922 in Niterói, Rio de Janeiro, when members of the Brazilian working class took their first big step towards arranging themselves under a class organization; nine delegates, representing 50 workers, held a Congress and founded the PC-SBIC. On 4 April 1922, it was recognized as a political party by the federal government, with its manifesto being published in the Official Gazette. Following the international guidance, the party was given the name of Communist Party – Brazilian Section of the Communist International.
A series of influential parties in the Brazilian political scene emerged from the PC-SBIC, such as the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB) and the Revolutionary Communist Party (PCR), in addition to many Trotskyist and Stalinist groups. The international rupture that arose in the Communist movement after 1956 caused the PC-SBIC to split on 18 February 1962, during its 5th National Congress.
Reorganization of the Communist Party of Brazil
The National Party Conference (Conference of Mantiqueira) was held on 11 August 1943. The Conference reviewed the political situation and the tasks of the Party, politics, and tasks of construction and rebuilding to which it must attend. A new Central Committee was elected, for the old leadership and the party organization was almost torn apart due to arrests by the police.
The 2nd Reorganization (18 February 1962)
At the 5th National Conference Meetings, held on 18 February 1962, in São Paulo, with the dissent of Marxist-Leninist tendencies, the party was reorganized. Embracing the acronym and symbol PCdoB, the party was proclaimed the legitimate successor of the Communist Party – Brazilian Section of the Communist International (PC-SBIC). In opposition to the revisionist line of the 5th Congress, the Conference adopted the Manifesto-Program, which draws a revolutionary line, reintroduced the Statute adopted at the Fourth Congress, adopted a resolution on the unity of the Communists, signed the principle that each country can only exist a single Marxist–Leninist party, decided to reissue The Working Class, a former central organ of the Party, approved the break with the USSR, and, finally, elected a new Central Committee.
Maoist guideline (1962–1969)
The crisis between the Soviet Union and China reached its peak when the Chinese leader Mao Zedong criticized the ongoing process of de-Stalinization in the USSR, and accused Khrushchev of "opportunistic" and "reformist" deviations. A division of Mao with the rest of the communist movement attracted the sympathy of the PCdoB, who sent emissaries to Beijing to formalize the ideological link with the new ideological guidelines of the Chinese Communist Party.
However, adherence to Maoism included a shift in the strategies of the PCdoB. Following the principle of protracted people's war, PCdoB undertook to transfer ideology to the field, initiating the formation of a peasant army.
The final adoption of Maoism by the PCdoB was in 1966 at its 6th Congress. The following year, the party drew up a declaration in support of the Cultural Revolution underway in China.
The Araguaia Guerrilla (1969–1976)
Forward from 1966, PCdoB sought to form a nucleus guerrilla camp. The area chosen for the irradiation of the future peasant army (along a Maoist line) was a region south of Para, near the border with Tocantins. The most effective guerrilla of the PCdoB column (under the name "Araguaia Guerrilla Force") was composed of high school and college students, organized around the Patriotic Union of Youth (UJP, youth wing of the party), professionals, and workers mainly from São Paulo and Minas Gerais.
In 1971, Army units discovered the location of the guerrilla nucleus and were deployed to cordon off the area, preventing it from spreading its operations to the north of the Amazon. The defeat of the Araguaia would establish the ideal of the PCdoB guerrillas as the most effective and experienced of armed struggle the dictatorship. The Araguaia Guerrilla redefined the dictatorship's plans for the Amazon region, whose repressions in the region were hidden long after the dictatorship's fall.
The abandonment of Maoism (1976–1979)
Shorn of its main cadres, PCdoB began to regroup with staff from the PA leadership and staff of João Amazonas, who, with Diógenes Arruda, were the last remnants of the group that rebuilt the party in 1962. Arruda's death (in 1979) left Amazonas as Secretary of the PCdoB until his death.
Observing the failure of the rural guerrilla and the new policy adopted by China since Mao's death in 1976, PCdoB decided to break with Maoism. In 1978, the party followed Enver Hoxha in his criticism of Chinese leaders, and considered Albania alone as a socialist country, the last bulwark of Marxism-Leninism.
The path to legalization (1979–1987)
In 1978, the party had begun participating in institutional action through the MDB, the moderate opposition to the military government. PCdoB resumed its parliamentary activity and secretly elected its first MPs from within the MDB.
In 1979, with the granting of Amnesty, PCdoB found a favorable environment for their penetration of the unions and student organizations. The party was opposed to the CUT (trade union arm of the PT). The rebuilding of UNE (1979) with Aldo Rebelo marked the beginning of the hegemony of the party in university entity. In 1984, PCdoB founded the Union of Socialist Youth (UJS), its youth wing. In elections to the Constituent Assembly of 1986, PCdoB elected six deputies, including Haroldo Lima, and Aldo Arantes
A socialist program (1987–1995)
The social and economic crisis that followed the Cruzado Plan (1987) led PCdoB to break the PMDB. In its place, the party sought a broader alliance with the PT and the PSB. In 1988, trade unionists PCdoB broke with the General Workers Central and formed the current Class Union, which then became part of the CUT, currently connected to the CTB.
In 1989, along with the PSB, PCdoB supported the candidacy of PT's Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva for the presidency. Also with the PT, PCdoB also was in opposition to the government of Fernando Collor. PCdoB argued for his removal, which occurred in September 1992 with large student demonstrations, participated in by the UJS along with the UBEs and UNE.
Lula administration and opposition to neoliberalism
In the late 1980s, PCdoB supported the formation of a popular front to launch Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's candidacy for President. Since then, it has been a member of all electoral coalitions led by the Workers' Party (PT) at the federal level. It has also allied itself with the PT in most states and capitals.
The PCdoB has registered a generally steady increase in its number of seats in the National Congress since the 1986 elections, the first parliamentary elections which the party contested. With the victory of Lula in 2002, PCdoB became part of the federal government, occupying the Ministry of Sports; first with Agnelo Queiroz, and later with Orlando Silva. This was the first time that a Communist occupied a Ministry of the Brazilian state.
Although critical of the economic policy of the Lula administration, PCdoB maintained its support to PT. In 2006, when Lula sought his re-election, the party formalized its participation in his alliance.
At the end of 2007, its divergences with PT began to increase, and PCdoB abandoned the Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT) trade union organization, and, along with the Brazilian Socialist Party and other independent sections of the union movement, it founded the Central of Male and Female Workers of Brazil (CTB).
The PCdoB suffered a major decline during the 2020 municipal elections, from 86 elected in 2016 to 46 mayors elected in 2020. The region that elected the most PCdoB candidates was the Northeast region , in the states of Bahia and Maranhão.
The 15th National Congress of the PCdoB took place in October 2021 and re-elected Luciana Santos as the party's president for the next four years. The event was named “ Haroldo Lima ” in honor of the historic communist leader who died this year due to Covid-19 and marked the preparations for the party's centenary. At the event, a political resolution was also approved focusing on strengthening the party and the fight to build a broad front to isolate and defeat the Bolsonaro government.
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Negro Matapacos (“Cop-Killer Blackie”) was a famous stray dog from thestreets of Santiago who joined student protests across the city from 2010, and in particular during the 2011 movement for free education.
he was a stray dog from the streets of Santiago, and began joining student demonstrations in 2010. The following year, one of the biggest social movements since the fall of the military dictatorship began, fighting for free education and against neoliberal reforms to the education system.
Negro Matapacos was then seen regularly at every demonstration, defying tear gas and water cannons and always barking at or attacking only the riot police, and never any students or rioters. He subsequently continued to appear sporadically at future demonstrations, and hung out on university campuses, becoming beloved to student and radical movements as a symbol of resistance to violent authority.
His last days were spent resting with people who took him in, with a crowdfunded veterinarian.
Some people who knew him sent us some of their memories of him, telling us how he defied tear gas and water cannons, and only ever barked at or attacked police officers, and never students or rioters.
After his death, his legacy lives on in songs, street murals, an award-winning documentary and in the memories of all those who knew him. He was a good boy.
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Calixto García Íñiguez, born on this day in 1836, was a general in three separate Cuban uprisings for independence - the Ten Years' War, the Little War, and the War of 1895, which bled into the Spanish-American War.
García joined the Ten Years' War at the age of 18. Five years later, when surrounded by Spanish troops, he shot himself under the chin with a .45 caliber pistol to not give them the satisfaction of capturing him. Although the bullet went out of his forehead and knocked him unconscious, he survived. The wound left a great scar and gave him headaches for the rest of his life.
García played a key role in the ultimately successful War of 1895 and protested the subsequent lack of Cuban autonomy in the conclusion of the war (no Cuban was allowed to sign the terms of surrender and the Spanish leaders in Cuba were allowed to keep their posts in Santiago).
After American military commander William Shafter excluded Cubans from negotiations for the surrender of Santiago, declined to invite García to the surrender ceremonies, and let Spanish authorities remain in control of Santiago until the U.S. could establish a military government, García resigned from the rebel army in protest on July 17th, 1898.
García died of pneumonia on December 11th, 1898 while on a diplomatic mission in Washington, D.C. Today, his portrait is on the 50 Cuban peso banknote.
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Edmundo González Urrutia, leader of the Plataforma Unitaria Democrática, was the runner up with 44.02%
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Blas Roca Calederio, born on July 22 in 1908, was a Cuban communist revolutionary and radical journalist. Roca helped lead the 1933 general strike that ousted Gerardo Machado, and served in Fidel Castro's revolutionary government.
Born into a poor family, Roca began working at age eleven, shining shoes. According to Castro, Roca was already a prominent communist organizer in the province of Oriente at 21 years old.
At age 25, Roca helped lead a two week general strike that ousted dictator Gerardo Machado. By 1936, he was head of the Cuban Communist Party and began serving as a politican, helping author the 1940 Cuban Constitution.
Under Roca's leadership, Cuban communists were instrumental in providing an organizational and ideological structure for Castro's revolution, as well as playing a pivotal role using the party's long-standing ties with the Soviet Union to promote increasingly closer ties during the early days of the revolution.
In 1961, Blas Roca, leading a party delegation, presented a Cuban flag to Nikita Khrushchev during a meeting of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Roca served on the first central committee and politburo of the new Communist Party of Cuba, founded in 1965.
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