[-] seaposting@hexbear.net 40 points 9 hours ago* (last edited 3 hours ago)
Contemporary Challenges for the Malaysian Left

To understand the current situation in Malaysia we need a brief overview of the history and political and economic development of the country.

This is quite a comprehensive article, addressing the historical colonial-capitalist plantation economy, the independence movement, debates on race/ethnicity, language, culture, religion and nation-building, industrial policy and resource-based industrialization, ongoing imperialism under a global capitalist economy, and as such the particularities of a state situated in the busiest waterway in the world.

The article is written by the current chairperson of PSM, Jeyakumar Devaraj.

The Parti Sosialis Malaysia (Socialist Party of Malaysia or PSM) is currently the most visible and active left party in Malaysia. However, because of our origins as student activist groups working among plantation workers (largely Indian), currently about 60% of PSM members are Indian. The PSM began working with non-Indian ethnic groups in the late 1990s and our Chinese and Malay membership is increasing gradually. We need many more cadres of all ethnic groups.

For the Left to win here, we have to build a multi-racial party that will finally rewrite the siloed approach of party organization that has plagued the Malaysian Left since the beginning while retaining the working class base of the party.

[-] seaposting@hexbear.net 57 points 1 day ago
The Bangkok Bubble

see site for images

Since the American War on Vietnam, Bangkok has been a key hub for international journalists and academics in Southeast Asia. It offers modern infrastructure, easy travel, and a high quality of life, allowing them to chopper into the periphery and return home for drinks. These advantages foster a professional environment removed from the region it purports to cover. Western expatriates operate engulfed within a certain elite social and informational milieu, often resulting in confused, racially essentialist coverage aligning with the interests of the moneyed Bangkok elite.

This was clear during the past six months since the outbreak of the border war with Cambodia last year. This triggered a judicial coup against left-populist PM Paetongtarn Shinawatra, the installation of Ultra-Right leader Anutin Charnvirakul, the dissolution of parliament, and elections scheduled for February 8th. Foreign correspondents have seemed bemused, writing contradictory pieces. Analysis like BBC’s Jonathan Head’s, citing how much “we just don’t know,” boils mass class-struggle in a country of over 70 million down to petty elite factional rivalries (as is the case with the conflict with Cambodia) and often parrots the Thai elite line. In this instance, the English language coverage was generally anti-Shinawatra, anti-Cambodian and broadly pro-Thai state.

If ignorance is one component, another is racial essentialism. The BBC even published a guide to following racial generalisations in the region. Such analysis is chauvinistic, imperialist, and fundamentally racist. Chief BBC Correspondent Jonathan Head, based in Bangkok for 20 years, exemplifies this; of course he “just doesn’t know” what’s going on, he can’t even speak the language. Meanwhile, any Thai person somewhat versed in socio-political history knows how much we indeed do know, such as the history of the Thai military on the Cambodian border in the past 40 years and the patronage networks that developed as a result.

Unlike cleaner Singapore or more tightly regulated Kuala Lumpur, Bangkok has an aesthetic grit; a few slums, open sex work, and street vendors on crowded pavements. Said vendors often speak basic English, while the elites the foreigners rely on are fluent. This allows the foreign correspondent or researcher the thrill of an edgy, orientalised posting without learning the language or developing a non-Bangkok-centric critique. This network becomes a closed informational loop, dependent on interpreters and fixers from the same consensus, unable to seek dissenting viewpoints outside this circuit.

remainder

The G.I Era

Since the 1950s, Thailand has been a safe Western ally, developed into an anti-communist bulwark for attacks on revolutionary movements in China & Indochina. During America’s war on Vietnam, academics were also shipped to Bangkok by the US to develop experimental counterinsurgency projects. As detailed in Anthropology Goes to War, one academic said, “Working in Thailand is like working in Vietnam, except no one is shooting at us”.

G.I Era Bangkok was a hub from which the region was pimped out to grotesque paternalist Western interests and desires: Political capital, bars, drugs and women. It was a place of both soft and hard power- as researcher Cynthia Enloe chronicled, detailing the use of Asian women by Western men as objects of political and economic capital. Today this relationship still functionally exists, as western journalists do overpriced lines of cocaine in Ari bars with their local girlfriends patiently waiting out front.

Institutions like The Foreign Correspondents Clubin Bangkok (which Jonathan Head chaired) still play a vital soft power role for the Bangkok elite and Western powers. Within these walls, Western and elite Thai journalists rub shoulders, speak English, develop their consensus and amplify their echo chamber.

Censorship

Without learning the language and history, Thailand is a difficult country to cover. State censorship has been constant since the 1950s; books have been burnt and writers of critical histories disappeared. English sources on anti-communist state mass-killings during the 1960s-70s are predominantly written by the American academics who took part in the acts. The most basic sources like Wikipedia and Reddit are compromised by Thai state agencies like the Cyberscouts, who use them promote pro-monarchy content and censor critiques. While professionals wouldn’t admit it, these basic sources are often the jumping-off point when beginning research into any subject, the first results in a Google Search, thus it bleeds into both not only into journalism but academia. Critique of the monarchy is banned and punishable by lengthy jail sentences; critical international publications find staff work visas revoked. Ironically, the UK tabloids have been one of most staunch reporters on the Thai monarchy, as they rely on freelancers rather than permanent Southeast Asia correspondents.

This dynamic directly consequences reporting. The country’s deep economic disparities, felt most acutely outside the capital, are covered sporadically, if at all. Chronic oppression and struggle are reduced to simplified narratives of protest and crackdown, missing any underlying social and economic conflicts or political agency- particularly as it pertains to the peasant classes. This is how English-language narratives of class conflict are flattened into interpersonal elite disputes.

Even for those who can speak Thai, the censorship still applies. Critical records are hard to come by in public. One must be embedded in communities outside Bangkok to hear histories first or second hand. This is why someone like Jit Phumisak, the radical historian killed in the 1960s, is so celebrated as one of the rare voices able to break the elite consensus. Despite his popularity domestically, little of his work is translated or accessible. Furthermore, the few Thai writers who have left, outside the reach of censors, have inevitably passed through Western academia and NGO’s, or are dependent on their funding, further compromising their critique.

A Flat Narrative

This insulated model benefits Thailand’s elite power holders; the political, monarchic, military, and business elite in Bangkok. They provide reliable access in English, framing events to emphasise simplicity, stability and legitimacy. By interacting only with this primary group, the media adopts its framing. A political crisis is presented as a temporary disturbance, whilst deeply rooted structural class antagonisms are downplayed as routine challenges of development. English language reportage of the country and the wider region thus has a persistent pro-Bangkok bias, whether the writers know it or not.

The outcome is a soft power advantage for the status quo. The elite secures favourable international portrayal, while journalism’s supposed critical function is inverted. The press and academy, focused on maintaining access and visas, fail to interrogate the forces engaging in the nation. The number of English language writers who critically cover the Kingdom is countable on one hand; the names Tyrell Haberkorn and Claudio Sopranzetti come to mind.

So much of Thai history is open-secrets known by the majority of the population, which is still the rural poor, but remains inaccessible to those at the Foreign Correspondents Club. To learn them, you must speak Thai, leave Bangkok, understand the local dialect, be in the villages, learn the meta-language of state repression, learn to read the room and gain its confidence.

Even then, censorship remains, and a small clutch of Western writers like Andrew MacGregor Marshall and Paul M. Handley have faced severe backlash for their reporting. Largely, this is a risk most would rather not run, when they could instead wake up in their Ari condo, attend a Correspondents Club talk, eat street food with their local girlfriend, go to a Thonglor bar, and order pizza delivery for when they get home to their 30,000b condo- feeling very worldly in the process. Bangkok’s allure is undeniable, so too is its effectiveness in shaping the English-language consensus on the kingdom: a flat, muddled image of the country, rife with generalisation, where class struggle and the aspirations of the poor do not exist.

[-] seaposting@hexbear.net 46 points 2 days ago
Financial Times - How Thailand became the ‘sick man’ of Asia

full article

Graphs and images not included

Like millions of Thais, Tipvimol Wanitthaphan came to the capital Bangkok in search of a better livelihood to support her family. For most of the past four years, she managed to do so by running a small restaurant catering to office workers. But sales have plunged by two-thirds in recent months, as an economic downturn kept cost-conscious customers away. With losses mounting, Tipvimol, 57, plans to shut up her shop when her lease expires in April.

“Right now, a lot of people are being laid off . . . so the purchasing power is lower,” she said, adding that she was worried about her own expenses and a car loan she has yet to pay back. For voters such as Tipvimol, the economic slowdown is central to Sunday’s general election. Thailand’s prime minister Anutin Charnvirakul and other major contenders are campaigning on pledges to restore economic and political stability.

South-east Asia’s second-largest economy has been stuck at about 2 per cent growth for the past five years, with its pivotal drivers of consumption, manufacturing and tourism all in decline.  Growth as high as 13 per cent in 1988, when Thailand was hailed as an “Asian tiger”, is now a distant memory due to a rapidly ageing and shrinking population, high household debt and a sustained decline in competitiveness.

“It has gone from being hailed as Teflon Thailand to the sick man of Asia within 10 years,” said Burin Adulwattana, chief economist at Kasikornbank. “That’s quite alarming,”

Making matters worse are prolonged political instability and frequent changes in leadership. The royalist-military establishment has been locked in a stand-off with reformist parties that have won the past two elections but have been blocked from power. Thailand has had three prime ministers in as many years.

Tourism projects and budgets have been hit by the political upheaval, said Kitti Pornsiwakit, president of the Association of Thai Tourism Marketing. With better “credibility and stability” in government, “we can go back to the best [years]”, he said. “Everything is falling apart,” said Pipat Luengnaruemitchai, chief economist at Kiatnakin Phatra Securities. “We do not have new engines of growth. This is not a cyclical demand story. Now it’s a serious issue that requires real structural change and reforms.” 

Signs of economic malaise are increasing. Banks worried about defaults are lending less, the property market is in its worst slump in three decades and headline inflation turned negative last year, signalling weak demand. Thailand’s stock market has been the worst performer in Asia over the past 12 months, declining 10 per cent in 2025 in local currency terms.  The government has projected 2 per cent growth this year, but the IMF has forecast just 1.6 per cent, the slowest among major south-east Asian economies. “We are concerned about an economic recession,” Kriengkrai Thiennukul, chair of the Federation of Thai Industries said last month. He warned of pressures from 19 per cent US tariffs and the baht’s gains against the dollar, which undercut the country’s important export sectors.

“The new government must make serious efforts to transform old industries into new ones,” he said.

Manufacturing has been on the decline for years, weighed down by weak domestic demand, an influx of cheaper Chinese goods and intense competition from newer manufacturing hubs such as Vietnam.

That has also taken a toll on Thailand’s once mighty auto sector. The country was a regional hub for car manufacturing but Nissan, Honda, Suzuki and others have shut down factories or scaled back production in recent years. 

Yupin Boonsirichan, chair of the Automotive Industry Club at the Federation of Thai Industries, said the car industry’s “significant” slowdown had hit the job market and industrial output.

“Vehicle output, domestic sales and plant utilisation rates have declined from pre-pandemic and peak levels,” she said, calling for government incentives to stimulate investment and domestic demand. Economists said Thailand would also have to drop protectionist policies, ease restrictions on foreign investment and improve infrastructure to take advantage of potential growth areas such as data centres, high-value manufacturing, pharmaceuticals and biotechnology.

But a more immediate task would be to revive the fortunes of the Thai consumer.

Household debt-to-GDP is close to 90 per cent, among the highest levels in Asia, as wages have remained stagnant. And Thailand’s population has been shrinking for four years, with the birth rate hitting a 75-year low in 2025. Many Thais are cutting back on expenses and discretionary spending.

“I get fewer and fewer customers,” said Tewanaree Sawangnate, who runs a hair salon in Bangkok. The 45-year-old is now looking to save more. “I buy fewer personal items for myself and focus more on [purchases for] my children,” she said while shopping at a store selling goods for Bt20 (US$0.62). The economy is “not in the ICU”, but “if the government doesn’t address these structural challenges, things will look a lot worse from here”, added Kasikornbank’s Burin.

Tourism, another economic engine, is sputtering and this has had a knock-on effect on retail, agriculture and hotel construction, said Kitti. Thailand recorded 32.9mn foreign visitors in 2025, a 7 per cent fall from the previous year and still below the pre-pandemic peak of 40mn tourists in 2019.

The industry has been hit by safety concerns after a Chinese actor was abducted by a cyber scam operation last year, as well as increasing competition from countries such as Vietnam and Japan. The dour sentiment is evident across Bangkok, where restaurants are deserted, hotels are rarely full and retailers are struggling to stay afloat. At Banthat Thong road, once a bustling street food destination for tourists, several eateries have been forced to shut down.

At the Delidelo Cafe in the north of the capital, Tipvimol has begun to cut back on personal expenses, and has turned to her daughter to cover her car loan. “I have stopped going to restaurants or hanging out with friends,” she said. “If we go out, it costs a lot of money,” she said.

Economists said Thailand would also have to drop protectionist policies, ease restrictions on foreign investment and improve infrastructure to take advantage of potential growth areas such as data centres, high-value manufacturing, pharmaceuticals and biotechnology.

Lol. Just continue doing the same things you have been doing surely that’ll improve the situation.

What Thailand needs is thorough agrarian reform to break down the last remaining feudal relations in the countryside, investments in infrastructure and education throughout the entirety of the country and not just the capital (the Bangkok Metropolitan Area is 50% of GDP with just 25% of the population), active state industrial policy that mandates technological innovation, disciplining if not destruction of the feudal-military rent-seeking state, nationalisation and control of financial capital, and actual import substitution to build up national industry. Foreign investments should be made on a case-by-case basis, based on actual outcomes in employment, productive and technological capacity advancement.

But of course the only classes capable of achieving this is not the one represented in government. No amount of half-arsed reforms that does not touch upon the class contradictions will guarantee the security of the Thai state - all it’s border regions neighbouring Malaysia, Cambodia and Myanmar are bleeding while the large northern and northeastern countryside continuously faces perpetual underdevelopment.

[-] seaposting@hexbear.net 63 points 2 weeks ago

I think understanding this tweet thread is essential in understanding racial dynamics across the Straits and foreign policy wrt to China.

China’s minority policy actually looks closer to Singapore’s model than people in the West like to admit.

In both systems:

  1. minority groups have explicit protections baked into state policy,
  1. quotas exist (education, housing, representation) that disproportionately benefit minorities,
  1. and the state actively monitors citizens for extremism or chauvinism, not just separatism.

What’s often missed is who Singapore identified early on as its biggest long-term risk: Chinese chauvinism from the majority population. That insight is underrated.

Singapore understood that in a multiethnic society where one group is numerically and economically dominant, the main destabilising force isn’t minorities asserting identity, it’s actually the majority turning dominance into entitlement. So the system was designed to restrain the majority as much as protect minorities.

...

The uncomfortable takeaway is this: states that actually govern multiethnic societies seriously tend to fear the majority’s excesses more than minority identity… because historically, that’s what breaks countries.

One thing I try to do with my posts is explain the political and economic dynamics in SEA through the experience of the peoples and movements in the region. Obviously cultural translation can never be fully accurate, and so by very nature I tend to over emphasize certain aspects (that are also my own biases) so that foreign readers can better understand the context and practice of the Political Economy in SEA. But to refer to history, the Straits of Melaka have always historically been the cosmopolitan crossroads of various civilizations throughout millenia. This makes it a bit easier in one regard, as obviously through colonialism, we have been exposed to 'Western civilisation', but also complicates the picture as pre-existing forms of production and civilisation were remolded and reconfigured in the slow march toward global Capitalism.

thread continues

Another user replied:

Deng was an avid student of Mr.LKY and I think his Singapore visit affected him more than his American or Japanese ones. People liked to have takes on what he is... a revisionist, a capitalist roader etc etc but one thing is that he won't let ideology cloud his judgement and had the humility to learn.

And the OP:

Yes. Around that period Beijing decisively pulled back “Voice of the Malayan Revolution” in Southeast Asia, something LKY had warned was extraordinarily destabilising. China also took SG seriously as a governing model (and not just a dog of the west) thereafter.

If China were to restart SEA focused psyops today, the region would be aflame within weeks. Our societies are far more fragile than outsiders assume and ethnic mobilisation scales extremely fast. Colonialism has left deep scars which ideological purity cannot solve.

Malaysia's recognition of the PRC, the second non-communist country in ASEAN, in 1974 stipulated cutting off support of the MCP (Malayan Communist Party, which was minimal at best after the 1950s). The MCP ultimately dissolved in 1989 after waging decades of guerilla warfare without progress, ending the Communist movement in humility as dialectical development continues apace in the new century.

People love disparaging China about their foreign policy, but this key mutual recognition helped fully develop relations with ASEAN later on, while helping stabilizing ethnic relations back at home (and directly benefiting Chinese people in SEA!). No communist here is ever calling for increased Chinese intervention, which will be incredibly self-destructive.

The ruling classes in Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore, all recognise the enormous task of uniting multi-ethnic societies plagued by centuries of colonialism. They do not want a repeat of neo-colonial dynamics that had lead to the fall of countries like Burma, Lebanon, Syria, South Africa, Nigeria, among others. Sectarianism, settler-colonialism, and ethnic/racial chauvinism in the Global South enables the continuous looting and pillaging through accumulation. This lesson isn't taken likely for many movements in Nusantara, where imperialist subterfuge takes on multiple forms, both in antagonistic and non-antagonistic contradiction to pre-existing class structures.

In another thread:

Another user says:

China figured out that a stable, paying customer who is not fighting in his own home is a more lucrative one. The "forever revolution" model is quietly put away no doubt.

OP replied:

Yes thankfully it is, which is why Indonesia and Malaysia are such good friends with China leaving SG in the dust

China realised the limits of Han chauvinism propaganda, focused instead on making their country strong and now everyone wants to “be more Chinese”

We must now ask how is it possible that the most industrialized Islamic country lies in Southeast Asia? The largest Muslim trade unions (and organizations) are also here. This isn't a coincidence, and one might ask, how will this characterize the struggle in the future? Indonesia has already overtaken Brazil, and is going to soon eclipse France and the UK in manufacturing value added (following neoclassical accounting nonetheless!).

I think discourse around Chinese foreign policy can not ignore the region that it directly neighbours. I think a comparative study of Latin America/USA vis-a-vis SEA/China can easily reveal who has been a net positive for their respective neighbours.

[-] seaposting@hexbear.net 68 points 1 month ago

Anwar’s statement

I have followed developments in Venezuela with grave concern. The leader of Venezuela and his wife were seized in a United States military operation of unusual scope and nature. Such actions constitute a clear violation of international law and amount to an unlawful use of force against a sovereign state.

President Maduro and his wife must be released without any undue delay. Whatever may be the reasons, the forcible removal of a sitting head of government through external action sets a dangerous precedent. It erodes fundamental restraints on the use of power between states and weakens the legal framework that underpins international order.

It is for the people of Venezuela to determine their own political future. As history has shown, abrupt changes in leadership brought about through external force will bring more harm than good, what more in a country already grappling with prolonged economic hardship and deep social strain.

Malaysia regards respect for international law and sovereignty as paramount to peaceful relations between states. Constructive engagement, dialogue and de-escalation remain the most credible path towards an outcome that protects civilians and allows Venezuelans to pursue their legitimate aspirations without further harm.

This response is expected for anyone bothered to read the country’s history in the last 50 years instead of repeating old retellings of anti-communist things that happened 70 years ago.

Westerners mad that global south countries do not recognize unilateral sanctions nor care about liberal antics. Personally, I applaud the industrious and entrepreneurial spirit of all the people involved in the transhipment of Venezeulan and Iranian oil in Malaysian waters.

[-] seaposting@hexbear.net 51 points 1 month ago

Rainbow Agrarian Populism – On Phue Thai

The Phue Thai Party have always been a headache for the overly literate classes.For the governing elites of Thailand, they are a constant threat, a powerful force of both capital and mobilised dedicated supporters. For academics, they defy definition. Political scientists, time and again, fail to categorise them— being both a peasant-backed leftist populist movement and an alliance of big urban capitalists, they break too many rules. For economists, they cannot resolve the contradictions of a party that privatises some elements of state infrastructure while simultaneously investing massive sums of capital in building and owning other elements. They are somehow nationalist and judicially punitive yet wokeand socially progressive all at once. Phue Thai bring both green-cap-wearing communists and luxury-watch-wearing real estate moguls into the same coalition. By all the rules of 21st-century politics, they should not exist, they should not be possible, but somehow they have been capable of creating this oft-misunderstood paradigm shift. 

As the mood of the global south increasingly shifts towards a new paradigm, with the development of BRICS, the re-alignment of trade away from US-centric markets and new calls for economic sovereignty, states like Burkina Faso, Mexico and China are experimenting with new models that break from the political science textbooks. In many ways, Phue Thai’s vision was ahead of its time, with its golden years running between 2001-2006, yet the party is still alive today, affording us an insight into another potential future, another paradigm.

Below is a very short excerpt on the long-form article, highlighting the introduction and the conclusion of the article.

excerpt

Origins

Since the birth of the modern Thai political settlement, at the time of the Sarit coup-d’etat in 1957, power in the Kingdom has, to this day, been conserved by a narrow, interconnected elite: the military, the monarchy, and an aristocracy-aligned old-money business faction. This alliance, which was designed for the Cold War, remained in place following the withdrawal of Beijing’s support for overseas communist parties and the collapse of the Soviet Union. In short, the reactionary necessity in which it was born is long obsolete. Today, it serves as a state apparatus that can only be described as slow, clientelist, bureaucratic, and fundamentally incapable of facilitating economic movement or even modernisation. The bloat of the regime could be seen most clearly in the capital of Bangkok, a city which had mushroomed well beyond its capacity, sucking in wealth and labour— creating an economic vacuum in much of the rest of the country. While Bangkok opened its skytrain at the turn of the new millennium, virtually no other inner cities even had local bus routes.  

The first real crisis this coalition faced post-Cold War was the 1997 ‘Tom Yum Goong’ financial crash, which exposed the administrative incompetence of the traditional elite and created the opportunity for a new cohort of domestic national capitalists to step forward. This faction identified the old state as an obstacle to profit, demanding the state engage in economic modernisation and efficiency, as well as developing the maligned outer provinces by spreading the wealth from Bangkok outwards. This was the birth of Phue Thai. 

…The new coalition came about under Thaksin Shinawatra, an elite capitalist from the outer provinces who had made his fortune in Communications during the tech boom of the 90s. The party was initially founded as Thai Rak Thai. The key to its success was forging a genuine, if atypical, network of class collaboration. The economic imperative of the new bourgeoisie aligned perfectly with the material needs of the masses, creating a unified base against the bloated military-aristocratic network. Thaksin pieced together the foundations for his party with a wide range of political actors from military officers, elite business people, former communist insurgents and western-educated academics…

On Experimentation Contradictions

…Socialism is about changing the economic system; in the 21st century, that is going to take some experimentation. Conditions today are not those of 1917, and as such require strange experiments and unlikely alliances— as they did then. Those who struggle and fail to define Phue Thai do so because of that experimentation. They don’t fit the end-of-history model, instead they offer an alternative. While this alternative is compromised and is a form of class collaboration with the bourgeoisie, it can still be seen as a stepping stone for mass mobilisation while simultaneously putting food on the plates of workers. 

This experiment, through rearranging and redirecting, if not exactly redistributing, the economy via class collaboration, creates the conditions for a higher state of class consciousness. Thaksin and the bourgeois elements of Phue Thai are often accused of cynically using the poor to suit their personal political interest, but why shouldn’t we perceive it as that way round? This writer would argue that we can afford the poor the recognition to argue that it is just as likely that they are using Thaksin and his bourgeois allies to build some kind of socialism— albeit one without any of the symbolism of red stars and busts of Marx. Perhaps that is why the overly literate classes fail time and time again to recognise Phue Thai’s liberatory potential.

Like it or not, Phue Thai are the only force within Thailand capable of creating new paradigms, and as such, they are currently the only force with the capacity to challenge that old reactionary vanguard. Their success is a testament to the power of strategic alliances and mass mobilisation— one could also call it truly radical pragmatism. As the mood of the Global South continues to develop, so too does our analysis and response. Like we said in the introduction, the Phue Thai of the early 2000s were somehow well ahead of their time. In many ways, the new experiments in governing within the Global South are only now catching up with Phue Thai, and this is an experiment that we as socialists need to be a part of.

7

@Lemmygradwontallowme@hexbear.net Apologies for the near month late response.

I usually don’t focus on leaders too much because I personally find reading about any sort of leader is missing the forest for the trees, and a lot of liberal-left types would have their “choice” and “stern” words and “analysis” about them enough to get the general picture.

Maybe in the future I’ll do a write-up, but as of now I think this blogpost will give you a solid idea with what we are working with.

Just to be cheeky, if people are interested on Race and Class in Malaya, please have a look at my comment history and the relatively recent post I made on the news megathread.

Happy (or I guess maybe angry or sad or shocked or vindictive or smug, depends on your background knowledge of race in Southeast Asia) reading!

[-] seaposting@hexbear.net 51 points 3 months ago* (last edited 3 months ago)

I got hospitalized recently but of course the news never stops. And oddly enough my part of the world is appearing in the news headlines.

On the recent US trade agreement (lots of articles to talk about)

US Ambassador affirms Malaysia’s economic sovereignty after trade agreement signing

Lol.

“Investment creates jobs in both countries, and jobs in the US pay twice the average Malaysian wage. So, having American companies and investments here will really benefit the people,” said Kagan.

Only twice as much? I remember the days when Western countries (and Singapore) would pay around 3x-4x. I guess those days are behind us.

What Washington’s 'due consideration' means for Malaysia’s RM32.8 billion semiconductor industry

Not sure about the collective amnesia people have to think that for critical sectors that the US can’t produce, that they’ll make it even more difficult for American companies based here. Also considering that I assume backroom guarantees have been made which had provided the greenlight for US investments to surge here within their own conditionalities of course.

According to Investment, Trade and Industry Minister Datuk Seri Tengku Zafrul Abdul Aziz, the exemptions are valued at US$5.2 billion (RM21.96 billion), accounting for roughly 12 per cent of Malaysia’s total exports to the US.

All that for just a 12% exemption i-cant

The US has recently overtaken China as Malaysia’s largest export market and remains its top foreign investor, with total investments reaching RM32.8 billion in 2024.

“In terms of benefit to the Malaysian industries, with a lower import tariff, US products can enter the Malaysian market easily and will be more competitive. This will make high-quality products such as medical equipment, computer hardware and machinery spare parts more affordable for Malaysian businesses and consumers,” Zafrul said.

He added that Malaysian manufacturers could use advanced US machinery and automation tools as inputs to enhance productivity and move up the industrial value chain, aligning with the goals of the National Industrial Master Plan (NIMP).

Crazy cope. Just say the US demanded and you had to concede.

When asked about the long-term reliability of the deal, especially given Trump’s history of abrupt policy shifts, Zafrul replied confidently. “For us (Malaysia), an agreement is an agreement,” he said.

Lol.

By securing tariff exemptions and reaffirming its commitment to stable export policies, Malaysia strengthens its position as a preferred investment destination in the region, a move that could attract even more multinational corporations to establish advanced manufacturing and R&D (research and development) operations in the country.

Sinar Daily is one of the largest Malaysian Chinese language newspapers that also have an English-language column. Fascinating to see what the centrist-liberals think is “good for business”.

Out in the real world:

Malaysia defends US trade pact dubbed ‘act of surrender’ amid sovereignty concerns

Mr Zafrul said the controversial Article 5.1 in the deal does not oblige Malaysia to adopt Washington’s policies, as “guardrails” within the broader text protect national interests. According to him, Malaysia is required to discuss such matters with the US and act only “if necessary”, in line with domestic laws and within a prescribed timeline.

“The provision also stressed that any actions taken by Malaysia have to be on issues of shared economic concern – that is, a shared problem for both Malaysia and the US,” he said.

But Mr Azmin Ali, a former international trade and industry minister, disagreed. The secretary-general of opposition pact Perikatan Nasional called Article 5.1 the “most damaging clause” in the agreement, saying it forces Malaysia to take Washington’s side in its conflicts.

“If Washington decides to block imports from China or Russia, Malaysia must do the same, even if it harms our economy,” said Datuk Seri Azmin in a statement.

“By aligning Malaysia’s policies with US decisions, the agreement risks driving away investors who value Malaysia’s neutrality and stability.” Similar concerns were raised on Oct 28 by the parliamentary select committee on international relations and trade, which announced a hearing on Nov 12 to review the agreement.

Dances with Wolves: Has Malaysia traded Sovereignty for Symbolism?

This ones a longer piece where I recommend reading the entire thing.

The most consequential parts of the pact are buried in the technical annexes and memoranda: – Malaysia agrees not to impose bans or quotas on exports of critical minerals and rare earth elements to the US; – Malaysia will align its supply-chain governance for those minerals with US standards; – Malaysia commits to “non-discriminatory access” for US firms in its semiconductor and critical-minerals sectors.

This is the quiet part of the “Comprehensive Strategic Partnership” upgrade: Malaysia’s critical sectors — minerals, semiconductors, data infrastructure — are now tethered to American geopolitical priorities. That is not the loss of sovereignty in the textbook sense, but it is a substantial narrowing of Malaysia’s freedom to chart its own economic course.

…Compare this with Japan and South Korea, both longstanding US allies. Their economic ties with the US are deep and institutional, not transactional. They operate within long-term industrial frameworks, joint R&D ventures, and multilateral trade architectures like the CPTPP and RCEP. Neither Tokyo nor Seoul was ever asked to sign one-off, multi-billion-dollar purchase pledges as a prerequisite for “strategic partnership.”

China’s model is different again. Beijing engages through investment, infrastructure, and market access — large but patient capital flows into ASEAN, backed by upgraded ASEAN–China FTA commitments. While Chinese financing can carry its own dependencies, it rarely comes with policy dictates about export controls or supply-chain compliance. The contrast is stark: China seeks markets and infrastructure routes; the US seeks supply-chain alignment and political conformity.

Edit: forgot to add this quote from the Straits Times article I just found funny:

“This is an act of surrender, a transfer of wealth from poor Malaysia to the rich US. For centuries, we fought colonial powers for our sovereignty. Are we now giving it away without resistance?” he asked in Parliament, referring to the federation’s colonial history under the Portuguese, Dutch, British and Japanese.

Little do the politicians in this forsaken country know classic

14
[-] seaposting@hexbear.net 55 points 4 months ago

There was this trending infographic on social media showcasing attempted color revolutions and general social instabilities of neighbouring countries surrounding China.

The notable countries that have not yet fallen into this being Mongolia, Laos, Vietnam and Malaysia.

I can’t comment much on the rest but let’s take a quick look at some statistics for Malaysia to see if the country has potential.

Unemployment rate: 3.0% (About a decade low)

Youth unemployment: 10.2%

2025 1H GDP Growth: 4.4%

Headline Inflation: Jul 2025, 1.2%, monthly YoY peak at 1.7% for 2025

And apparently >70% of the assets related to the infamous 1MDB corruption scandal has been recovered.

And of course: Nepal, US turmoil a reminder for Malaysia, says Anwar

Anwar reminded Malaysians that unity is the foundation of a nation’s peace which, in turn, drives economic development and the overall wellbeing of its citizens, Utusan Malaysia reported.

“Compared to many other countries, we are far better off,” he said.

“For example, in Nepal, there are riots everywhere … a minister was stripped, and his wife burned to death.

“Just two days ago, there was a shooting involving a leader at a university in the US.

“So let us pray that we can continue to preserve peace and unity,” he said when officiating an event in Iskandar Puteri, Johor, today.

… Don’t let development erode what truly matters,” he said.

“We may build malls and industries and record high profits, but if we ignore issues like income, housing, welfare and education, we destroy our values and morals in the process.”

Had to avoid commenting on Indonesia because of diplomacy it seems.

“Other countries are worse and so we should just be glad”. A classic.

[-] seaposting@hexbear.net 50 points 5 months ago

A couple weeks back @xiaohongshu@hexbear.net asked me about the Democratic Action Party (DAP) and I was a bit too brief about the party and why any genuine scientifc socialist would not ever rally behind the party so I’m here to rectify it.

At first I would like to highlight a 2 part article that holistically addresses the party, in which I will also quote heavily from with further commentary below.

Kit Siang and DAP – a response to Lim Teck Ghee

DAP and a multiracial Malaysia – a response to Lim Teck Ghee

The main issue that the Malaysian Left grapples with today is that the “left” in this country are chauvinists. In other words, they themselves perpetuate racialism and deradicalized “socialism”. This has been persistent issue since the start of the 20th century. For reasons that have been extensively discussed by many here, communist and socialist politics (in form) never took root outside Chinese and Indians. This meant Malays, but also large parts of other ethnic groups, whether Orang Asal or even mixed Peranakans.

This then sets the stage for the DAP, the favourite scapegoat for some parts of the mainstream elite, who continuously accuses them of being Chinese communists. The problem is of course that the DAP itself has never strayed too far from the neoliberal mainstream even as the “key opposition” of “Malay supremacy”. (Quick note, it is often translated as “supremacy” but ‘Ketuanan’ also is commonly translated to “dominance” or “premiership”).

Kit Siang [the leader of DAP for most of it’s life] has been a dominant figure in the DAP for a number of reasons. One, it had the support of the urban Chinese voters in the urban Chinese belt stretching from Perak to Negeri Sembilan and with pockets of Chinese support in Melaka and Johor.

…He was able to articulate the Chinese electoral concerns in a forthright manner, in some cases openly courting a Chinese chauvinist line, both inside and outside the Dewan Rakyat [parliament] and as an editor of the Rocket from 1965-1969.

…The Malay chauvinism was countered by the blunt Chinese chauvinism of DAP. This was despite DAP’s lip service for a democratic and socialist Malaysia

No party in the current coalition are truly anti-racialism. Even for the “progressives”. That is the nature of bourgeois parliamentarianism.

…Teck Ghee falls into the same trap that Kit Siang has made for himself, a pretence of DAP’s multiracialism and then hidden undercurrent of unadulterated Chinese chauvinism. There is no point in making passing references to the late Karpal Singh to show that DAP has non-Chinese credentials.

… There were no Chinese legal firms that were courageous or competent to take the legal briefs from DAP. If they were, I am sure DAP would have turned to them. There was none forthcoming and hence that relationship was a relationship of convenience, between Karpal and (now his family’s legal business) and DAP.

The superstructure of the Chinese capitalist economy in Malaysia is an important consideration to know here. It involves clan associates, paternal relationships, conscious disengagement with other ethnic groups and in a lot of aspects, right-wing Chinese nationalism. This is because the 1949 Chinese revolution, or even a 1966 cultural revolution, never took place in this country.

Instead, Chinese capital became a useful “opposition” of Malaysian capitalism, in which race becomes the focal point instead of class struggle. This is why of the top 50 richest people in Malaysia, 48 are Chinese. This is where you get stories of Chinese landlords refusing rent to non-Chinese people.

The usual rant about discriminatory NEP and discrimination has outlived its political usefulness as an intellectual narrative. The questions now posed are what did DAP do when it was in power? Not just in Penang or some of the states where it shared power, but at the federal level when it was in power, albeit briefly.

This can be said even more now that the DAP forms a large part of the unity government in power. Just recently, a member of DAP argued for a two-tier minimum wage structure between migrant workers and citizens. I guess this is the bare truth of their slogan “Malaysian Malaysia”.

In the end, class struggle continuously remains the only avenue for anyone seeking for genuine anti-racism and social justice. “Multiculturalism”, in actuality, remains to be bourgeois social contract theory, lacking the scientific materialist outlook necessary for revolutionary and lasting social change.

[-] seaposting@hexbear.net 52 points 7 months ago

The “Israel”-Singapore connection

I would have written a much longer post, but I was brought to attention by this nifty post (archived link) by the “Israeli” trade mission to Singapore which sums it all up quite well:

Singapore has a remarkable story to tell, and paradoxically this south east Asian city-state has quite a lot in common with [the Zionist Entity], a small nation with a history of struggle and resilience. The two small nations have populations comprised of immigrants [the Zionists admitted it themselves which is somewhat hilarious] with different cultures and customs, surrounded by large countries with their own political and ethnic tensions. Both of these small nations have managed against all odds to turn themselves in a single generation from poor, underdeveloped markets to global economic powerhouses with advanced infrastructures, skilled and highly educated workforces and ambitious entrepreneurs. Singapore has grown to become a global financial hub and an Economic giant in a single generation.

The thing to realize is, what the anglophone Chinese bourgeoisie in Singapore hate more than sinophone Chinese people, are the Muslims, but especially Malay-Muslims, who rejected their liberal secular capitalism. Their nation-building myths are quite similar, which justifies Singapore’s hefty military budget - larger than every other Southeast Asian country, both in per capita and absolute terms.

A true liberation of the peoples of Southeast Asia necessitates the fall of the financial capitalists, chiefly represented by the largest banks in Southeast Asia, all based in Singapore. That’s why a lot of hysteria historically propagated here are based on “Indonesian” and “Malaysian” terrorists and supporters who’d like to see the downfall of “Singapore”. Nowadays, the rhetoric is a bit more muted, but echoes of this Islamophobia show-up from time to time.

Christmas Eve, 1965, is the unofficial date of the start of the ‘love story’ between Israel and Singapore, an affair that was kept a deep, dark secret. The international press, like the Israeli media, tried to bring the tale to light. Occasionally, scraps of information leaked out; some were published, some were denied, many were disregarded. The fear that the ties would be terminated if they became public knowledge had its effect. Israel imposed a total blackout on the story and the secret was preserved.

But ultimately the mysterious history between Israel and Singapore came to light. In his book, “From Third World to First: The Singapore Story 1965-2000,” published in 2000, Lee Kuan Yew, Singapore’s founding father and its first prime minister, disclosed the secret that had been kept for almost 40 years: It was the Israel Defense Forces that established the Singaporean army. Lee wrote, “To disguise their presence, we called them `Mexicans.’ They looked swarthy enough.”

To link it to a current news article: S’pore increased its security posture amid rising tensions from Iran-Israel conflict: Shanmugam

People in this region, other regions, or extremist organisations might want to make a point against Israeli, American or other Western assets, he said, adding that there could be attacks from the far right on Muslim assets..

If Singapore is ever attacked, it will make international headlines, he said. There is a possibility of attacks on both sides, he said, either by the far right attacking Muslims, or representatives of Muslim countries including Iran, and attacks on Western assets – American, European or Israeli.

“So we have increased our security posture, working off different scenarios, but you know, you can never be absolutely sure,” he added.

Israel-Hamas conflict a 'reminder' for Singapore that it has national interests at stake: Vivian Balakrishnan

This quick ejaculation of “terrorism” when it comes to West Asian or Islamic related foreign policy remains a defining motto of the Singaporean government’s continual targeting of (Malay-)Muslim people, in a “we care about terrorism, but especially from the muslims” sense and also that of it would be “bad for business” since it would harm the hard-fought “social harmony”.

"This episode is also a reminder to all Singaporeans that we do have our national interests at stake ... We must reject terrorism in all its forms. No excuses, no ifs, no buts, no short-term political advantage. Reject terrorism. If attacked, all of us here must give the government of the day the ability to exercise the right of self-defence," said Dr Balakrishnan, supporting the motion.

"But even when it does so, we will expect the government of the day to uphold international law. And as Singaporeans, we will continue to extend humanitarian assistance and protection to all civilians. We should support the peaceful resolution of disputes. And we must nurture and protect our own precious cohesion and harmony."

The misused word “harmony” crops up again. Wonder if they’ll stop using this tired phrase. Clearly the harmony didn’t apply to those that didn’t fit into their vision of Western Modernity.

And a quick note about the current Foreign Minister:

I would say it is expected, and it is, but still embarrassing.

[-] seaposting@hexbear.net 69 points 7 months ago

I find it funny how some Malaysian states banned the use of single-use plastics years ago and are planning to phase-out use nationally by 2030 but we continued to accept Western plastic waste.

Malaysia will stop accepting U.S. plastic waste, creating a dilemma for California

Malaysia will ban plastic waste imports from the U.S. starting Tuesday because of America’s failure to abide by the Basel Convention treaty on international waste transfers, in a move that could have significant consequences for California.

Malaysia emerged as a major destination for U.S. waste after China banned American waste imports in 2018. California shipped 864 shipping containers, or more than 10 million pounds of plastic waste, to Malaysia in 2024, according to the Basel Action Network, an advocacy group. That was second only to Georgia among U.S. states.

Malaysia to set stricter plastic import controls

According to U.S. Census Bureau data, the country exported 35,316 tons of plastic scrap to Malaysia in 2024. United Nations Comtrade data shows that from 2021-2024, Malaysia received more plastic scrap imports from around the globe than any other non-OECD (Organization for Economic Co-Operation and Development) country.

“Our people and environment in Malaysia have suffered greatly from the pollution caused by imported plastic and electronic waste,” says Wong Pui Yi, BAN researcher from Kuala Lumpur. “Other countries in Southeast Asia are likewise being harmed by foreign plastic waste daily. We sincerely hope that exporting countries will help us put a stop to waste dumping and trafficking.

“But for these new regulations to be successful, the government must enforce them transparently, swiftly prosecute those who violate the law and close any loopholes that may arise, including clamping down on corruption. We must remain vigilant and continue to spot-check the system with intelligence-led searches and seizures.”

[-] seaposting@hexbear.net 53 points 7 months ago

I was going to write a proper response to another Western article on the SCS but they all are so lame and predictable.

China militarizing sand blah blah blah.

And then the common made up theory is that’s why these SEA nations are “hedging” and “balancing” between great powers.

It’s all so tiring. Westerners managed to end one war in the ducking 1600s and they think they know anything about international relations or statecraft. And I am especially raging at Amerikans whose country barely existed for 300 years thinking their decades old “expertise” can navigate millenia old cultures and history. Yes I really care about what a Guy in Baltimore thinks about the South China Sea issue.

::: spoiler A Response

The issue with a lot of those in the field international relations is that they can’t ever escape their Eurocentric pretensions and understandings. In the article they try to take an ideological “neutral” “understanding” of the South China Sea by evoking very tired concepts like “hedging” and mistakenly (or purposefully) project their own impressions and dynamics of Southeast Asian relations with China, and so they use the terms like “aggressive” and “great power”, when truthfully no one actually gives a fuck (except maybe VietNam) and no one in Southeast Asia ever uses those term, unless they have been groomed into Western institutions and education.

Literal Amerikan Geopolitical propaganda.

No one ducking lives there you dumb fucks. Are the fish victims of Chinese Imperialism? Perhaps their migration signifies hedging to US Navy boats. And actually I can hear one fish cry out, “save us from being victims of really good hotpot”.

Every accusation is projection and etc.

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