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submitted 5 days ago by [email protected] to c/[email protected]
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[-] [email protected] 9 points 5 days ago

serious question what is a culture war? trans people?

[-] [email protected] 8 points 4 days ago

I think trans liberation extends well beyond “culture war“ which I typically read as “something which is intended to rile up petit-bourgeois into a reactionary stance”.

“Culture war” generally implies an infantilism to the issue, which I don’t feel is appropriate to apply to issues which have a material impact on lives. While chuds may consider topics like “trans rights”, “anti-racism”, or “animal liberation” as “culture war” items, as leftists we are to understand the importance of these as cornerstones in building a just society.

So perhaps an example would be Starbucks no longer putting “Merry Christmas” on their cups. Is it removing a cultural signifier? Yes. Does it matter one bit? Nope. Does it serve to distract from Starbucks labor practices and anti-homeless policies? You bet.

[-] [email protected] 10 points 5 days ago

The importance of class analysis is that it provides a common thread that unites people across different cultures, demographics. All workers can understand that they are being exploited because they experience it, and rising up against the exploitation is a unifying idea.

Meanwhile, what often happens with identity politics is that people end up being laser focused on their particular cause and see anybody championing a different cause as competition. This leads to the fracturing of the working class into small groups that fight each other.

This is precisely why issues such as racism, sexism, and so on, must be contextualized within the overarching class struggle as opposed to being seen as individual issues to rally behind.

As Parenti so eloquently put it:

Class gets its significance from the process of surplus extraction. The relationship between worker and owner is essentially an exploita­tive one, involving the constant transfer of wealth from those who labor (but do not own) to those who own (but do not labor). This is how some people get richer and richer without working, or with doing only a fraction of the work that enriches them, while others toil hard for an entire lifetime only to end up with little or nothing.

Those who occupy the higher circles of wealth and power are keenly aware of their own interests. While they sometimes seriously differ among themselves on specific issues, they exhibit an impres­sive cohesion when it comes to protecting the existing class system of corporate power, property, privilege, and profit. At the same time, they are careful to discourage public awareness of the class power they wield. They avoid the C-word, especially when used in reference to themselves as in "owning class;' "upper class;' or "moneyed class." And they like it least when the politically active elements of the owning class are called the "ruling class." The ruling class in this country has labored long to leave the impression that it does not exist, does not own the lion's share of just about everything, and does not exercise a vastly disproportionate influence over the affairs of the nation. Such precautions are them­selves symptomatic of an acute awareness of class interests.

Yet ruling class members are far from invisible. Their command positions in the corporate world, their control of international finance and industry, their ownership of the major media, and their influence over state power and the political process are all matters of public record- to some limited degree. While it would seem a sim­ple matter to apply the C-word to those who occupy the highest reaches of the C-world, the dominant class ideology dismisses any such application as a lapse into "conspiracy theory." The C-word is also taboo when applied to the millions who do the work of society for what are usually niggardly wages, the "working class," a term that is dismissed as Marxist jargon. And it is verboten to refer to the "exploiting and exploited classes;' for then one is talk­ing about the very essence of the capitalist system, the accumulation of corporate wealth at the expense of labor.

The C-word is an acceptable term when prefaced with the sooth­ing adjective "middle." Every politician, publicist, and pundit will rhapsodize about the middle class, the object of their heartfelt con­cern. The much admired and much pitied middle class is supposedly inhabited by virtuously self-sufficient people, free from the presumed profligacy of those who inhabit the lower rungs of soci­ety. By including almost everyone, "middle class" serves as a conve­niently amorphous concept that masks the exploitation and inequality of social relations. It is a class label that denies the actu­ality of class power.

The C-word is allowable when applied to one other group, the desperate lot who live on the lowest rung of society, who get the least of everything while being regularly blamed for their own victimiza­tion: the "underclass." References to the presumed deficiencies of underclass people are acceptable because they reinforce the existing social hierarchy and justify the unjust treatment accorded society's most vulnerable elements.

Seizing upon anything but class, leftists today have developed an array of identity groups centering around ethnic, gender, cultural, and life-style issues. These groups treat their respective grievances as something apart from class struggle, and have almost nothing to say about the increasingly harsh politico-economic class injustices perpe­trated against us all. Identity groups tend to emphasize their distinc­tiveness and their separateness from each other, thus fractionalizing the protest movement. To be sure, they have important contributions to make around issues that are particularly salient to them, issues often overlooked by others. But they also should not downplay their common interests, nor overlook the common class enemy they face. The forces that impose class injustice and economic exploitation are the same ones that propagate racism, sexism, militarism, ecological devastation, homophobia, xenophobia, and the like.

source

[-] [email protected] 5 points 5 days ago* (last edited 5 days ago)

This is a lot of words to say, "yes, trans people."

Every trans person here is some sort of lefty. We have class analysis and we use it. Most people here have read Leslie Feinberg, a trans Marxist.

Yes, we are exploited by the same class dynamic, but no the discrimination is not the same. We face discrimination in leftist orgs who call our existence "bourgeois decadence." Telling a co-worker that we're both being exploited by the same boss doesn't make them not hate us for being trans. We can couch our struggle however we want, but the fact is that queer people have to struggle even within socialist societies. Any progress for queer people in socialist societies has not come from "Marxist politicians who understand that discrimination against queer people is a relic of class dynamics." It has been fought and won by queer people against these bigoted politicians who supposedly have a grasp on class dynamics.

Sorry if we seem "laser focused" on our rights because it's literally a matter of life and death. We have to be laser focused because even our so called allies tell us we're actually advocating for ourselves wrong. We're given "advice" to cater our arguments to be palatable and helpful to the greater working class movement, but I don't see any advice on how that movement can better speak to us or provide us any kind of safety. That would be culture war.

[-] [email protected] 3 points 5 days ago

No, it's a lot of words to say that it's more effective to unite around common causes than become atomized into many groups that all compete with each other.

[-] [email protected] 3 points 4 days ago

How does me being trans compete with any goal of the working class?

How can I participate in the class struggle when I'm barred from many leftist organizations because of transphobia? Many of which couch their transphobia in Marxism. How can I work to find common ground with someone who denies my existence?

Many socialist states have women's caucuses that provide women with a means to exert their will politically. This is not "dividing and atomizing" the working class. It is enfranchising disenfranchised parts of the working class.

As usual, it's "there are bigger things at hand. You'll have to wait. We'll get to your rights later"

[-] [email protected] 2 points 4 days ago

My whole point was that being trans does not compete with any goal of the working class. What I actually said is that these causes need to be contextualized within the overarching context. Nobody is suggesting you have to unite with orgs that are transphobic and deny your existence. I get the impression you're not engaging in good faith with what I actually said.

[-] [email protected] 6 points 5 days ago

This is the problem with the meme.

Everyone has the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and defending your comrades is solidarity, not "culture war". Too many people are trying to throw everyone who isn't a white guy under the bus, which only shows everyone that they are not to be trusted.

Trans rights are human rights because trans people are the canary in the coal mine. What they do to us today, they'll do to you tomorrow.

this post was submitted on 28 May 2025
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