1
 
 

Welcome again to everybody. Make yourselves at home. In the time-honoured tradition of our group, here is the weekly discussion thread.

☭ Matrix homeserver and space
☭ Theory discussion group on /c/theory@lemmygrad.ml
☭ Find theory on ProleWiki, marxists.org, Anna's Archive

2
submitted 3 years ago* (last edited 1 year ago) by [M] to c/genzedong@lemmygrad.ml
 
 

If you don't know what Matrix is

Matrix is a protocol for real-time communication implemented by various applications ("clients") -- the official one is Element for Linux, macOS, Windows, Android, and iOS), but there are many others, e.g. those listed here. It's also federated, like Lemmy. To use a Matrix client, you need to make a Matrix account at one of the Matrix homeservers (similar to how you can make an account on lemmygrad.ml or lemmy.ml but still access both of them). We have our own Matrix homeserver at genzedong.xyz, and you don't need an email address to register an account there.

A Matrix space is a collection of rooms (equivalent to Discord channels) focused on various topics.

The space is intended for pro-AES Marxists-Leninists, although new Marxists may also be accepted depending on their vetting answers.

To join the space, you need to first create a Matrix account. If you want to create an account on another server, you can likely register within your Matrix client of choice. If you want to create an account on genzedong.xyz, you have to use this form (intended to prevent spam accounts).

Once you have an account, join #rules:genzedong.xyz and read the rules. Then, join #vetting-questions:genzedong.xyz and read the questions. Finally, join #vetting-answers:genzedong.xyz and answer the vetting questions there. Usually, you'll be accepted within a few hours if there are no issues with your answers.

3
 
 

it seems that he was just trying to clean the name of his family spying those evil capitalist pigs in america to restore the family honor, maybe he's a double agent for communism infiltrated on muskrat ranks

4
 
 

The recent meeting between US President Donald Trump and Venezuelan Interim President Delcy Rodríguez took place during a gala on the sidelines of the United Nations General Assembly in New York. This event represents a milestone in the geopolitical reconfiguration of the Western Hemisphere. After years of sanctions, diplomatic ruptures, and maximum-pressure confrontation, this rapprochement demonstrates a transition from open hostility to a new ground in the relationship between the two countries.

The context and the images that derive from it disrupt the entire political tradition, common sense, slogans and ideological totems for each side.

However, beyond the formalities, the substance prevails. The meeting between Delcy Rodríguez and Donald Trump operates at the midpoint where the asymmetrical coercion exerted by Washington and the strategic adaptation deployed by Chavismo converge.

The geometry of intertwined interests, the management of narrative dissonance (this meeting after January 3), back-channel diplomacy, and the inevitability of open interaction between both governments are components of an analysis that leads to one premise: the rapprochement responds to a need for operational stabilization where both parties reduce political costs by sacrificing ideological orthodoxy.

FROM PRESSURE TO SURVIVAL PRAGMATISM

Diplomacy between adversarial states rarely arises from normative alignment; rather, it usually emerges when unilateral strategies of coercion or resistance reach a point of diminishing returns. This was the case in Venezuela.

Bilateral contact between Washington and Caracas at the highest level unfolds against a backdrop of marked structural power asymmetry. However, international relations have demonstrated that strict asymmetry does not eliminate the agency of the quantitatively weaker actor, but rather alters its tactics, shifting it from open confrontation toward strategic adaptation. Chavismo's position is precisely that, especially since the turning point of January 3rd, when asymmetric coercion erupted into armed conflict.

In a broader context, for the US administration, the model of absolute isolation and incentives for the internal collapse of Chavismo demonstrated operational limitations in achieving regional stability and the profitability they seek in strategic assets. Completely setting Venezuela ablaze while simultaneously extracting oil from it was not an option.

In the long run, and with the US drift toward Iran, the issue of hydrocarbons and their prices has become a major headache for the Trump Administration. This year, it has led them to emphasize their "achievements" in Venezuela as a prized milestone in US foreign policy.

This is where American “flexible realism” comes into play. It is one of the guiding principles introduced in the Trump era into the National Security Strategy (NSS) and consolidated in the National Defense Strategy (NDS) of the United States. This approach marks a drastic shift from the idealism or liberal internationalism of past decades, replacing the objective of maintaining absolute global dominance and promoting democracy with a highly pragmatic, selective stance focused strictly on national interest. According to this perspective, Washington can engage with Caracas regardless of whether the Chavista structure that underpinned President Nicolás Maduro remains intact. Values ​​and ideology do not prevail; interests do.

For the Chavista leadership in Venezuela, global financial isolation and the partial operational paralysis of the oil industry forced a recalibration of anti-imperialist rhetoric toward a transactional negotiation model. This is evident.

It is in this geopolitical space that the bilateral meeting takes place; a gray area where economic coercion and operational agreement coexist.

THE GEOMETRY OF INTERESTS AND TRANSACTIONAL DYNAMICS

The first pillar of this analysis is based on the intrinsic complexity of the incentives that guide both actors. Far from adhering to a maximalist view, the approach is based on a non-zero-sum calculation in very specific areas.

Washington's equation is: access to Venezuelan energy and mineral resources, control of migration flows, and guaranteeing its regional influence through the differentiated use of force. A pure and simple exercise in hegemony.

Caracas' equation is: easing of sanctions (end of the naval blockade and other measures), operational-diplomatic recognition of the government, return to the international financial system, attracting investments, stabilizing the economy and sustaining the operational resistance and institutional resilience of the State in a complex context.

Given the evident transactional logic of the Trump Administration, it is necessary to examine where the Venezuelan government's logic operates. This demonstrates a capacity for tactical malleability. Faced with structural barriers to the commercialization of its resources, the state leadership offers operational guarantees to foreign energy corporations in exchange for exploitation licenses and direct tax revenues.

Furthermore, this “strategic adaptation” preserves the basic architecture of internal political power while ceding ground in the management of natural resources to guarantee cash flow and de facto legitimacy. In this way, it aims to break the siege and weaken the inertia of sanctions, which has been one of Chavismo's most cherished objectives in recent years.

For Chavismo, dismantling the isolationist sanctions inertia has been a crucial point. It's a matter of either dismantling it or plunging into a structural, perpetual, intergenerational loop that causes immense pain and profound impoverishment for the population. The size and characteristics of the Venezuelan population give the blockade devastating power.

After 12 years of sanctions, Venezuela, which failed to join BRICS to escape Western suffocation, which, due to its physical characteristics, could not tolerate an extended naval blockade in the Caribbean, and which also failed to overcome the military asymmetry favorable to the United States, necessarily had to negotiate within the framework of possibilities and limitations that govern the moment.

NARRATIVE DISSONANCE AND THE WEIGHT OF THE PHOTOGRAPHS

The image of the two presidents, together and smiling, is a stark portrait of the current political moment, not only in Venezuela, but also in the region and the context of international relations today. It is the point where certain narratives founder and where the compasses governed by ideological systems cease to function.

The most opaque component—and one often labeled “incomprehensible” from the public's perspective—is the very possibility of a coexistence of natural antagonisms through a fluid technical relationship. Here, labels like “a ward of the state” don't prevail, nor do they apply to Trump as “an ally of a narco-terrorist tyrant.” What emerges is realpolitik at its most extreme.

From the perspective of both governments, both (albeit in different ways) grapple with political costs. In both Washington's domestic politics and Caracas's, the reputational cost of ideological softening is considerably high.

For the US administration, this visible rapprochement risks being interpreted by sectors of the electorate as a concession to an “authoritarian regime,” which is no small matter in the lead-up to the midterm elections . Democrats and even Republicans in Miami are reacting strongly. And beyond party politics, some see the meeting as the lifeline Washington is giving its biggest adversary in the Americas, given the lack of a straightforward regime change that could backfire and undo the gains of Trump's brand of flexible realism in Venezuela.

For the Venezuelan leadership, an explicit understanding with the North American power that bombed Caracas on January 3 and kidnapped President Maduro undermines the historical narrative of anti-imperialist sovereignty that serves as a unifying identity for its operational base. Furthermore, Chavismo has already been, de facto, expelled from the international club of certain left-wing groups. Various digital media operators, commentators, and influencers from the international left are haranguing Chavismo and Delcy Rodríguez with a superficial analysis, governed by rather simplistic coordinates such as "betrayal" or "capitulation." Among these groups, there is zero recognition of the practice of politics as the difficult art of navigating the gray areas.

To resolve this dilemma and manage costs, the parties have resorted to backchannel diplomacy. These channels operated in a secretive space, away from media scrutiny, using special envoys, private sector intermediaries, or low-profile meetings (“side calls” at multilateral summits).

This separation between external rhetoric and private negotiations allowed both sides to minimize domestic political losses while making substantive concessions. What from the outside appears as dissonance or incoherence is, in strategic analysis, the indispensable condition for diplomacy to be viable. But now the meeting has become public, photos have been taken and disseminated, and there is an open effort to legitimize the relationship.

Regarding the situation of the more radical sectors of the Venezuelan opposition in this context, there is little to analyze. Their strategic irrelevance and negligible reach in the dynamics of real power have excluded them from this equation.

THE INEVITABLE POINT OF DIPLOMACY

Finally, any analysis of the leaders' meeting must acknowledge the binding nature of international relations. Diplomacy is not merely a diplomatic reward bestowed upon allies; it is also the primary tool for managing conflicts with adversaries.

Total isolation as a foreign policy strategy tends to create a deadlock that paralyzes the capacity for strategic action.

When unilateral pressure exhausts its margins of effectiveness without substantially altering the adversary's power structure, direct interaction ceases to be optional. This applies to Trump. At this point, diplomacy becomes a geopolitical necessity imposed by geography, the natural resource market, and the stability of the hemisphere, especially when a gallon of diesel costs $7 in the United States and Trump needs to send the message to his voters that everything is under control.

The meeting does not symbolize a lasting alliance or a shared set of values, but rather a balancing act. It marks the establishment of a minimal framework of rules where asymmetric coercion and strategic adaptation converge to avoid scenarios of uncontrolled chaos. The particularities and context governing the meeting between the leadership of Venezuela and the United States demonstrate that contemporary international relations operate in a terrain where ideological labels give way to transactional dynamics.

It is a terrain that confirms that diplomacy cannot be ignored indefinitely; faced with the paralysis of maximalist approaches, transactional dialogue emerges as the only channel for loss management and strategic survival, which applies to the ruling Chavismo.

Ultimately, the event reflects a constant of geopolitics; at the intersection of pressure and resistance, material incentives and operational stability will always end up imposing their own diplomacy.

5
6
7
8
9
10
 
 

Ansarollah ("Houthi") leader Abdul Malik al-Houthi says his forces are acting defensively in the latest round of conflict in Yemen, accusing Saudi Arabia of initiating the escalation.

In an address, al-Houthi said Ansarollah ("Houthi") forces are targeting Saudi military sites and oil infrastructure while acting according to what he described as Islamic and ethical principles.

He accused Saudi-led forces of carrying out indiscriminate attacks in Yemen during the more than decade-long conflict, including strikes on homes and marketplaces. Al-Houthi also condemned what he called a “siege” restricting the import of food and medicine into Yemen.

He rejected claims that Ansarollah ("Houthi") forces targeted Mecca, describing the allegation as false, and said his people were defending themselves.

11
12
 
 

"Guizhou, China was one of the poorest places on the planet until local party leaders decided to rein in corrupt capitalists. Now it has the highest bridges on planet earth linking together thousands of miles of highway and high speed rail.

Guizhou honestly looks just like West Virginia in terms of lush greenery, rolling hills, and an abundance of mineral deposits. However, thank goodness Joe Manchin isn't the guy in charge here.

We traveled to the Pingtang Bridge (the third highest in the world; tallest concrete bridge in world), the beautiful city of Tongren, the FAST telescope, and Longli village [...].

I think this might be the fastest economic development in human history all things considered."

13
 
 

what too much digital circus, slopaganda, and warhammer 40k memes makes to your brain. at first you go "for the emperor!" when you notice, you are making part of jehova's witness for nerds

14
 
 

cross-posted from: https://lemmygrad.ml/post/12803813

Syria is witnessing its widest wave of protests since the fall of Bashar al-Assad. Are Syrians beginning to turn against Ahmed al-Sharaa, formerly known as Abu Mohammad al-Jolani?

A sharp increase in fuel prices has triggered demonstrations, burning tires and road blockades across multiple Syrian governorates, including areas in Idlib and Aleppo that once formed the heartland of the anti-Assad rebellion.

Diesel prices jumped by 40%, while petrol prices also rose sharply, placing even greater pressure on Syrians already struggling with transportation costs, food prices, electricity shortages and a devastated economy.

Protesters have blocked major roads, including sections of the Damascus-Aleppo highway, while demonstrations have spread through areas including Maarat al-Numan, Idlib, Aleppo, Raqqa, Deir ez-Zor and Hasakah.

The immediate demand is economic. But the bigger question is political:

Is the honeymoon between Syrians and the post-Assad government beginning to end?

In this Monday Geopolitics livestream, Kevork Almassian examines what the protests tell us about Ahmed al-Sharaa's government, Syria's worsening economic situation and the growing gap between the promises of “liberation” and the reality Syrians are living today.

15
 
 

synthesis

16
17
18
19
 
 

Welcome again to everybody. Thank you for joining us for the time-honored tradition of our group, here is the weekly discussion thread. Oh and by the way, please mind the rail crossing.

• Matrix homeserver and space
• Theory discussion group on /c/theory@lemmygrad.ml
• Find theory on ProleWiki, marxists.org, Anna's Archive

20
 
 

Really great talk. They go straight for the jugular of collaborationist liberals and democratic socialists, and even norman finkelstein. (did you know norman is anti-bds and supports the continued existance of israel despite its crimes.)

21
250 years (thelemmy.club)
22
23
 
 
24
submitted 2 weeks ago* (last edited 1 week ago) by to c/genzedong@lemmygrad.ml
 
 

Someone here said I should post this when I finish it so I am posting it. There is a physical copy but I don't care to make money on it so I am also including a free digital copy.

The book is very technical and contains a lot of math, so it is not a passive book you can just listen to. It includes Octave code at the end of each chapter to even help you implement the math and toy around with it, to help you better understand it.

If you don't like math, I did write up a blog post awhile ago which explains the point of view all in English without any math.

To be clear, this is a philosophy book. There is a lot of mathematics, but its intention is not to provide a new physical model. All the mathematics used are just standard, orthodox quantum theory. I apply some transformations to it for analysis, but those are all mathematically equivalent transformations. This is about interpreting quantum mechanics, as it currently exists without modification, under a materialist philosophical lens, not introducing a new theory.

People constantly use quantum mechanics to justify weird things, like there is one philosopher Bernardo Kastrup who claimed it proves that "physical reality does not exist." There is no consensus in the literature on even how to make sense of quantum mechanics.

The main thesis of the book is that, despite common misconception, it is actually quite trivial to fit quantum mechanics into a traditional materialist worldview, by taking inspiration from Albert Einstein, the Harvard physicist Jacob Barandes, and the Soviet physicist Dmitry Blokhintsev, who all advocated for thinking of quantum systems as a kind of non-classical stochastic process.

Indeed, the book even shows you how you can represent universally any quantum circuit in a quantum computer as a set of bits with well-defined values at each time interval but just "hop" to new values stochastically at each logic gate. It then applies this interpretation to all of the major "paradoxes" in QM like the double-slit experiment, Bell's theorem, the Frauchiger-Renner pardox, Wigner's friend, the PBR theorem, etc, and shows how it can trivially handle all of them.

However, there is a big caveat, and it is reason why interpretations of quantum mechanics have gotten so messy.

Rather than a traditional materialist viewpoint being ruled out, quite literally the opposite is true: it is underdetermined. What you find is that the structure of quantum theory does not allow for you to unambiguously define a unique materialist ontology, because it is compatible with too many of them.

Hence, if you are a materialist, at least in the traditional sense of believing in just "matter in motion," you are forced into one of two paths:

1

You admit the underdetermination and just go on with your life. There is no a priori reason as to why the natural world's physical laws should be structured in such a way to allow unambiguous answers to any question we ask of it.

That doesn't mean any answer goes. They still must reproduce the mathematics of quantum theory. You can still talk about the class of possible answers and thus makes statements of truth that are generally true for the whole class. For example, you can still show such a worldview is consistent by showing that the whole class is logically consistent.

2

Make arguments that are non-emprical. For example, the physicist David Bohm put forward a theory of exactly this sort. He introduces new assumptions which have the effect of choosing a materialist ontology from the class of possible ontologies. These choices are not empirically motivated. you cannot empirically prove these are the correct choices. But you can justify them on other grounds.


In my view, much of the "quantum weirdness" stems from treating underdetermination as equivalent to non-existence, and the mistake was due to the heavy influence of positivism in the late 19th and early 20th century.

If the structure of the theory restricts you from empirically answering certain questions, rather than just assuming the answer cannot be empirically known, it is concluded, by the positivist, that the property in question doesn't even ontologically exist.

This is usually framed as justified in terms of Occam's razor, but deleting these properties leads to logical inconsistencies, and those logical inconsistencies lead to the measurement problem and strange claims like quantum mechanics supposedly proves the existence of the multiverse or even that there is no objective reality at all.

The main point of the book is to caution the reader against taking this extremely positivist stance and to show that maintaining the position that these questions do possess answers, even if they are not empirically verifiable, is a logically consistent worldview that drastically simplifies how you interpret quantum mechanics, because the whole thing just reduces down to a kind of stochastic process.


This book was so much effort I'll probably never write another one. Even then, I keep wanting to add things to it because I still think it could be a lot better, but I have spent way too many years working on this and I kinda wanted to be free of it so I decided to just publish it as is. It's imperfect but it's good enough that it gets all the points across.

If you have any questions about it you can ask in the replies. If you don't want to read it but just have a general question about something you heard about QM in relation to materialism or realism, I can also answer it as well, since I know a lot about the topic from all the research that went into this.

25
 
 
view more: next ›