11
submitted 2 days ago by vema@lemmygrad.ml to c/history@hexbear.net

cross-posted from: https://lemmygrad.ml/post/11277151

This is a section of Chapter 1 from the memoir My Life and Faith by Ri In Mo, which I am currently proofreading for the ProleWiki library. Ri In Mo was a war correspondent in the Korean People's Army and an unconverted long-term prisoner who was imprisoned in south Korea for 34 years. The work spans his youth during the last years of Japanese colonial rule in Korea, to the early years of the DPRK, to his decades of imprisonment in south Korea, and his eventual repatriation to DPRK in the 1990s. This excerpt is from when he was 13, in the year 1930, describing the incident which sparked his interest in joining the liberation struggle. I thought it was an interesting section to share.

The Mt. Paektu Armed Unit Which Implanted the Anti-Japanese Fighting Spirit in My Young Mind

When I reached school age I entered Phabal Primary School in Ansan Sub-County.

There was a man who had been teaching at the school since graduating from Hamhung Normal School. He came from Anbyon (in today’s Kangwon Province) where most of the believers in the Chondo faith in South Hamgyong Province lived. He was also a believer in Chondo and taught us its doctrines. And we followed him well under its influence.

In 1926 Choe Rin from the new faction of Chondoism extracted from the Japanese imperialists a promise to allow the establishment of a Korean parliament in exchange for giving up the independence of Korea and launched a “self-government movement”.

In the 1930s believers in Chondo formed the Chondo Faith Youth Party and launched zealously a youth movement, an enlightenment movement and other campaigns devoid of any political character, in opposition to the revolutionary peasant movement led by socialists.

At that time I was only a little over ten years old and was not aware of this situation. As our teacher taught us, I believed that our country was badly off because Koreans were ignorant and lazy, and that only when the national character was changed could we be better off.

Around that time a young man called Jong Un Gil returned to his native village. According to a rumour, he had attended Pukchong Agricultural School but been expelled on the grounds that he had been the mastermind behind a student strike. In the evening he used to gather village children and teach them anti-Japanese patriotic ideas. Learning of this, our teacher who believed in the Chondo faith spoke ill of him, saying, “That person was expelled from his school because he led a student strike. He is a bad fellow who is disloyal to the Japanese emperor", and prevented us from approaching Jong Un Gil.

One day an unexpected incident took place, which awoke us to the fact that the teachers behaviour was a traitorous act of defending Japanese imperialism and abusing patriots.

One August day in 1930 my aunt sent me to buy noodles for lunch. She gave me a large brass bowl and a five-jon coin. At that time a bowl of oats noodles cost one jon, so for five jon I could buy more than enough noodles for our four family members—my grandmother, uncle, aunt and I—to eat.

Phabal-ri was by the Phabal Stream, a tributary of the Hochon River and on the road linking Pukchong with Phungsan, and a rather busy place of semi-agricultural and semi-commercial character. Fruit, rice and fish from the Pukchong area were transported to Phungsan and its surrounding area via Phabal-ri across the Huchi Pass, and potatoes, starch and hops produced in the area north of Phungsan were sent to Pukchong through Phabal-ri. Therefore, in Phabal-ri as well as the houses of slash and-burn farmers, there was a large market area full of pedlars’ stalls and inns.

The Japanese kept a tight guard over this busy place. They set up a police station near the market place, headed by a vicious inspector named Matsuyama. He so harassed the local Koreans that he went by the nickname of “Opasi” (digger wasp). He was so hated that boys like myself used to throw stones at him whenever he washed himself in the Pabal Stream.

Let me continue the story.

When I was going out of the gate, taking the large brass bowl and money with me, there sounded a thunderous “Bang!” from the direction of the police station, which was 13 or 14 houses away. Phabal-ri was a secluded mountain village where gunshots were never heard, so the unexpected sound of a gun being fired was enough to start my heart thumping.

When I looked in the direction of the police station I saw people trooping toward it from the market place, and other people looking out of the windows of their houses. Others were fleeing toward the mountains behind the Phabal Stream. They were those who used to drink wine with policemen in ordinary times and were pointed at with scorn for informing the police of what the village people said. They seemed to have apprehended danger.

The thought occurred to my young mind that something serious had happened.

I threw the bowl back into the house and ran like an arrow in the direction of the police station, clenching my fists.

Thirty or so people were already gathered in front of it. All of them were poor people who had been slighted and tormented by the Japanese. The adults as well as the children were excited.

They seemed to believe that the men who had fired the rifle were protecting them.

I forced my way through the crowd and peered into the police station. A person in the police station who looked refined and gentle beckoned me to come in. Prompted by curiosity and his beckoning, I quickly entered. I unexpectedly found there Jong Un Gil talking with him about something.

Looking around the main room, I saw that “Opasi” had been shot and was writhing around on the floor, bleeding. I trembled all over. I was scared at the sight, but at the same time felt great satisfaction. So, there is no need to mention the feelings of the adults who had been harassed by "Opasi".

The person who told me to come in asked me if I was afraid. When I replied that I was not, he patted me on the shoulder and said that only when all such rascals were disposed of could the Korean people be better off.

Looking round the room, I found and picked up two spent cartridges.

Going out, I saw three men, including the one who had called me into the police station and who seemed to be their leader, wearing straw sandals and hemp clothes and each holding a Mauser rifle. I remember that they all had the same kind of hair style.

Their appearance seemed to be dignified and imposing, even to a youngster like myself. Kneeling before them, a Korean policeman kowtowed and pleaded with them for his life, rubbing his hands in supplication. There was none of his usual swaggering and shouting on that occasion!

One of the three said to him, “I should like to shoot dead right away you and your like who act as cat’s-paws of the Japanese imperialists, who invaded our country. But I will spare your life, believing that you have a bit of a conscience left, as you are a Korean. Stop being a policeman serving the Japanese and go back to your farm as an honest Korean.”

The policeman gratefully agreed to do this.

At that moment the wife of the hated “Opasi” ran out of a nearby house, barefoot, and fled toward the hill behind the house. One of the three men levelled his rifle at her, but the man who seemed to be the leader pulled his comrade’s arm down.

Frankly speaking, we were all hoping that the woman would be shot, but the leader said, “Esteemed people, you have had a hard time. We are the revolutionary army of Mt. Paektu, which fights to drive out the Japanese and win back the country. Our people are badly off and suffer misfortune because of the Japanese. We cannot become better off without smashing the Japanese. We have disposed of the police chief here to avenge the people on our way to Tanchon to help the patriotic struggle of the peasants who are fighting barehanded against the heavily armed Japanese forces. However, we cannot stay to protect you here. So, please return home.”

They then went to a sweet shop near the police station, and asked the owner for money to help them with their travel expenses. But the shopkeeper offered them only two copper coins worth one jon each. The armed men returned the coins in disgust and went on their way.

At that moment the sight of the owner of the shop became hateful to me. To think that he could maltreat in such manner patriots who were fighting to drive out the Japanese and win back our country! I thought: The rich people are blinded by money. They have no patriotism in their hearts and seek only their own interests. If I had been one of the guerrillas I would have shot the greedy shop owner. I wondered why they had left so meekly. From that time on I hated the like of that shopkeeper and began to think that I should stand by the poor people.

That night I lay in bed, tightly gripping the two empty cartridges I had picked up in the police station, and for a long time pictured myself holding a Mauser like the guerrillas and wreaking vengeance for the Korean people by shooting the Japanese. A bold idea to emulate them seized my mind. This was the first anti-Japanese idea implanted in my heart.

The impressive figures of the anti-Japanese revolutionary fighters who operated on the Kaema Plateau in those remote days and kindled the flame of the anti-Japanese national liberation struggle in the heart of a 13-year-old boy there still dimly appear in my memory. I often wonder what would have become of me if it had not been for them.

The shot they fired in Pabal-ri was a fateful one which led me to the front of the anti-Japanese struggle; otherwise I might have led a life in poverty and ignorance or become a devout follower of the Chondo faith.

3
submitted 2 days ago by vema@lemmygrad.ml to c/northkorea@lemmy.ml

cross-posted from: https://lemmygrad.ml/post/11277151

This is a section of Chapter 1 from the memoir My Life and Faith by Ri In Mo, which I am currently proofreading for the ProleWiki library. Ri In Mo was a war correspondent in the Korean People's Army and an unconverted long-term prisoner who was imprisoned in south Korea for 34 years. The work spans his youth during the last years of Japanese colonial rule in Korea, to the early years of the DPRK, to his decades of imprisonment in south Korea, and his eventual repatriation to DPRK in the 1990s. This excerpt is from when he was 13, in the year 1930, describing the incident which sparked his interest in joining the liberation struggle. I thought it was an interesting section to share.

The Mt. Paektu Armed Unit Which Implanted the Anti-Japanese Fighting Spirit in My Young Mind

When I reached school age I entered Phabal Primary School in Ansan Sub-County.

There was a man who had been teaching at the school since graduating from Hamhung Normal School. He came from Anbyon (in today’s Kangwon Province) where most of the believers in the Chondo faith in South Hamgyong Province lived. He was also a believer in Chondo and taught us its doctrines. And we followed him well under its influence.

In 1926 Choe Rin from the new faction of Chondoism extracted from the Japanese imperialists a promise to allow the establishment of a Korean parliament in exchange for giving up the independence of Korea and launched a “self-government movement”.

In the 1930s believers in Chondo formed the Chondo Faith Youth Party and launched zealously a youth movement, an enlightenment movement and other campaigns devoid of any political character, in opposition to the revolutionary peasant movement led by socialists.

At that time I was only a little over ten years old and was not aware of this situation. As our teacher taught us, I believed that our country was badly off because Koreans were ignorant and lazy, and that only when the national character was changed could we be better off.

Around that time a young man called Jong Un Gil returned to his native village. According to a rumour, he had attended Pukchong Agricultural School but been expelled on the grounds that he had been the mastermind behind a student strike. In the evening he used to gather village children and teach them anti-Japanese patriotic ideas. Learning of this, our teacher who believed in the Chondo faith spoke ill of him, saying, “That person was expelled from his school because he led a student strike. He is a bad fellow who is disloyal to the Japanese emperor", and prevented us from approaching Jong Un Gil.

One day an unexpected incident took place, which awoke us to the fact that the teachers behaviour was a traitorous act of defending Japanese imperialism and abusing patriots.

One August day in 1930 my aunt sent me to buy noodles for lunch. She gave me a large brass bowl and a five-jon coin. At that time a bowl of oats noodles cost one jon, so for five jon I could buy more than enough noodles for our four family members—my grandmother, uncle, aunt and I—to eat.

Phabal-ri was by the Phabal Stream, a tributary of the Hochon River and on the road linking Pukchong with Phungsan, and a rather busy place of semi-agricultural and semi-commercial character. Fruit, rice and fish from the Pukchong area were transported to Phungsan and its surrounding area via Phabal-ri across the Huchi Pass, and potatoes, starch and hops produced in the area north of Phungsan were sent to Pukchong through Phabal-ri. Therefore, in Phabal-ri as well as the houses of slash and-burn farmers, there was a large market area full of pedlars’ stalls and inns.

The Japanese kept a tight guard over this busy place. They set up a police station near the market place, headed by a vicious inspector named Matsuyama. He so harassed the local Koreans that he went by the nickname of “Opasi” (digger wasp). He was so hated that boys like myself used to throw stones at him whenever he washed himself in the Pabal Stream.

Let me continue the story.

When I was going out of the gate, taking the large brass bowl and money with me, there sounded a thunderous “Bang!” from the direction of the police station, which was 13 or 14 houses away. Phabal-ri was a secluded mountain village where gunshots were never heard, so the unexpected sound of a gun being fired was enough to start my heart thumping.

When I looked in the direction of the police station I saw people trooping toward it from the market place, and other people looking out of the windows of their houses. Others were fleeing toward the mountains behind the Phabal Stream. They were those who used to drink wine with policemen in ordinary times and were pointed at with scorn for informing the police of what the village people said. They seemed to have apprehended danger.

The thought occurred to my young mind that something serious had happened.

I threw the bowl back into the house and ran like an arrow in the direction of the police station, clenching my fists.

Thirty or so people were already gathered in front of it. All of them were poor people who had been slighted and tormented by the Japanese. The adults as well as the children were excited.

They seemed to believe that the men who had fired the rifle were protecting them.

I forced my way through the crowd and peered into the police station. A person in the police station who looked refined and gentle beckoned me to come in. Prompted by curiosity and his beckoning, I quickly entered. I unexpectedly found there Jong Un Gil talking with him about something.

Looking around the main room, I saw that “Opasi” had been shot and was writhing around on the floor, bleeding. I trembled all over. I was scared at the sight, but at the same time felt great satisfaction. So, there is no need to mention the feelings of the adults who had been harassed by "Opasi".

The person who told me to come in asked me if I was afraid. When I replied that I was not, he patted me on the shoulder and said that only when all such rascals were disposed of could the Korean people be better off.

Looking round the room, I found and picked up two spent cartridges.

Going out, I saw three men, including the one who had called me into the police station and who seemed to be their leader, wearing straw sandals and hemp clothes and each holding a Mauser rifle. I remember that they all had the same kind of hair style.

Their appearance seemed to be dignified and imposing, even to a youngster like myself. Kneeling before them, a Korean policeman kowtowed and pleaded with them for his life, rubbing his hands in supplication. There was none of his usual swaggering and shouting on that occasion!

One of the three said to him, “I should like to shoot dead right away you and your like who act as cat’s-paws of the Japanese imperialists, who invaded our country. But I will spare your life, believing that you have a bit of a conscience left, as you are a Korean. Stop being a policeman serving the Japanese and go back to your farm as an honest Korean.”

The policeman gratefully agreed to do this.

At that moment the wife of the hated “Opasi” ran out of a nearby house, barefoot, and fled toward the hill behind the house. One of the three men levelled his rifle at her, but the man who seemed to be the leader pulled his comrade’s arm down.

Frankly speaking, we were all hoping that the woman would be shot, but the leader said, “Esteemed people, you have had a hard time. We are the revolutionary army of Mt. Paektu, which fights to drive out the Japanese and win back the country. Our people are badly off and suffer misfortune because of the Japanese. We cannot become better off without smashing the Japanese. We have disposed of the police chief here to avenge the people on our way to Tanchon to help the patriotic struggle of the peasants who are fighting barehanded against the heavily armed Japanese forces. However, we cannot stay to protect you here. So, please return home.”

They then went to a sweet shop near the police station, and asked the owner for money to help them with their travel expenses. But the shopkeeper offered them only two copper coins worth one jon each. The armed men returned the coins in disgust and went on their way.

At that moment the sight of the owner of the shop became hateful to me. To think that he could maltreat in such manner patriots who were fighting to drive out the Japanese and win back our country! I thought: The rich people are blinded by money. They have no patriotism in their hearts and seek only their own interests. If I had been one of the guerrillas I would have shot the greedy shop owner. I wondered why they had left so meekly. From that time on I hated the like of that shopkeeper and began to think that I should stand by the poor people.

That night I lay in bed, tightly gripping the two empty cartridges I had picked up in the police station, and for a long time pictured myself holding a Mauser like the guerrillas and wreaking vengeance for the Korean people by shooting the Japanese. A bold idea to emulate them seized my mind. This was the first anti-Japanese idea implanted in my heart.

The impressive figures of the anti-Japanese revolutionary fighters who operated on the Kaema Plateau in those remote days and kindled the flame of the anti-Japanese national liberation struggle in the heart of a 13-year-old boy there still dimly appear in my memory. I often wonder what would have become of me if it had not been for them.

The shot they fired in Pabal-ri was a fateful one which led me to the front of the anti-Japanese struggle; otherwise I might have led a life in poverty and ignorance or become a devout follower of the Chondo faith.

6
submitted 2 days ago by vema@lemmygrad.ml to c/books@lemmygrad.ml

This is a section of Chapter 1 from the memoir My Life and Faith by Ri In Mo, which I am currently proofreading for the ProleWiki library. Ri In Mo was a war correspondent in the Korean People's Army and an unconverted long-term prisoner who was imprisoned in south Korea for 34 years. The work spans his youth during the last years of Japanese colonial rule in Korea, to the early years of the DPRK, to his decades of imprisonment in south Korea, and his eventual repatriation to DPRK in the 1990s. This excerpt is from when he was 13, in the year 1930, describing the incident which sparked his interest in joining the liberation struggle. I thought it was an interesting section to share.

The Mt. Paektu Armed Unit Which Implanted the Anti-Japanese Fighting Spirit in My Young Mind

When I reached school age I entered Phabal Primary School in Ansan Sub-County.

There was a man who had been teaching at the school since graduating from Hamhung Normal School. He came from Anbyon (in today’s Kangwon Province) where most of the believers in the Chondo faith in South Hamgyong Province lived. He was also a believer in Chondo and taught us its doctrines. And we followed him well under its influence.

In 1926 Choe Rin from the new faction of Chondoism extracted from the Japanese imperialists a promise to allow the establishment of a Korean parliament in exchange for giving up the independence of Korea and launched a “self-government movement”.

In the 1930s believers in Chondo formed the Chondo Faith Youth Party and launched zealously a youth movement, an enlightenment movement and other campaigns devoid of any political character, in opposition to the revolutionary peasant movement led by socialists.

At that time I was only a little over ten years old and was not aware of this situation. As our teacher taught us, I believed that our country was badly off because Koreans were ignorant and lazy, and that only when the national character was changed could we be better off.

Around that time a young man called Jong Un Gil returned to his native village. According to a rumour, he had attended Pukchong Agricultural School but been expelled on the grounds that he had been the mastermind behind a student strike. In the evening he used to gather village children and teach them anti-Japanese patriotic ideas. Learning of this, our teacher who believed in the Chondo faith spoke ill of him, saying, “That person was expelled from his school because he led a student strike. He is a bad fellow who is disloyal to the Japanese emperor", and prevented us from approaching Jong Un Gil.

One day an unexpected incident took place, which awoke us to the fact that the teachers behaviour was a traitorous act of defending Japanese imperialism and abusing patriots.

One August day in 1930 my aunt sent me to buy noodles for lunch. She gave me a large brass bowl and a five-jon coin. At that time a bowl of oats noodles cost one jon, so for five jon I could buy more than enough noodles for our four family members—my grandmother, uncle, aunt and I—to eat.

Phabal-ri was by the Phabal Stream, a tributary of the Hochon River and on the road linking Pukchong with Phungsan, and a rather busy place of semi-agricultural and semi-commercial character. Fruit, rice and fish from the Pukchong area were transported to Phungsan and its surrounding area via Phabal-ri across the Huchi Pass, and potatoes, starch and hops produced in the area north of Phungsan were sent to Pukchong through Phabal-ri. Therefore, in Phabal-ri as well as the houses of slash and-burn farmers, there was a large market area full of pedlars’ stalls and inns.

The Japanese kept a tight guard over this busy place. They set up a police station near the market place, headed by a vicious inspector named Matsuyama. He so harassed the local Koreans that he went by the nickname of “Opasi” (digger wasp). He was so hated that boys like myself used to throw stones at him whenever he washed himself in the Pabal Stream.

Let me continue the story.

When I was going out of the gate, taking the large brass bowl and money with me, there sounded a thunderous “Bang!” from the direction of the police station, which was 13 or 14 houses away. Phabal-ri was a secluded mountain village where gunshots were never heard, so the unexpected sound of a gun being fired was enough to start my heart thumping.

When I looked in the direction of the police station I saw people trooping toward it from the market place, and other people looking out of the windows of their houses. Others were fleeing toward the mountains behind the Phabal Stream. They were those who used to drink wine with policemen in ordinary times and were pointed at with scorn for informing the police of what the village people said. They seemed to have apprehended danger.

The thought occurred to my young mind that something serious had happened.

I threw the bowl back into the house and ran like an arrow in the direction of the police station, clenching my fists.

Thirty or so people were already gathered in front of it. All of them were poor people who had been slighted and tormented by the Japanese. The adults as well as the children were excited.

They seemed to believe that the men who had fired the rifle were protecting them.

I forced my way through the crowd and peered into the police station. A person in the police station who looked refined and gentle beckoned me to come in. Prompted by curiosity and his beckoning, I quickly entered. I unexpectedly found there Jong Un Gil talking with him about something.

Looking around the main room, I saw that “Opasi” had been shot and was writhing around on the floor, bleeding. I trembled all over. I was scared at the sight, but at the same time felt great satisfaction. So, there is no need to mention the feelings of the adults who had been harassed by "Opasi".

The person who told me to come in asked me if I was afraid. When I replied that I was not, he patted me on the shoulder and said that only when all such rascals were disposed of could the Korean people be better off.

Looking round the room, I found and picked up two spent cartridges.

Going out, I saw three men, including the one who had called me into the police station and who seemed to be their leader, wearing straw sandals and hemp clothes and each holding a Mauser rifle. I remember that they all had the same kind of hair style.

Their appearance seemed to be dignified and imposing, even to a youngster like myself. Kneeling before them, a Korean policeman kowtowed and pleaded with them for his life, rubbing his hands in supplication. There was none of his usual swaggering and shouting on that occasion!

One of the three said to him, “I should like to shoot dead right away you and your like who act as cat’s-paws of the Japanese imperialists, who invaded our country. But I will spare your life, believing that you have a bit of a conscience left, as you are a Korean. Stop being a policeman serving the Japanese and go back to your farm as an honest Korean.”

The policeman gratefully agreed to do this.

At that moment the wife of the hated “Opasi” ran out of a nearby house, barefoot, and fled toward the hill behind the house. One of the three men levelled his rifle at her, but the man who seemed to be the leader pulled his comrade’s arm down.

Frankly speaking, we were all hoping that the woman would be shot, but the leader said, “Esteemed people, you have had a hard time. We are the revolutionary army of Mt. Paektu, which fights to drive out the Japanese and win back the country. Our people are badly off and suffer misfortune because of the Japanese. We cannot become better off without smashing the Japanese. We have disposed of the police chief here to avenge the people on our way to Tanchon to help the patriotic struggle of the peasants who are fighting barehanded against the heavily armed Japanese forces. However, we cannot stay to protect you here. So, please return home.”

They then went to a sweet shop near the police station, and asked the owner for money to help them with their travel expenses. But the shopkeeper offered them only two copper coins worth one jon each. The armed men returned the coins in disgust and went on their way.

At that moment the sight of the owner of the shop became hateful to me. To think that he could maltreat in such manner patriots who were fighting to drive out the Japanese and win back our country! I thought: The rich people are blinded by money. They have no patriotism in their hearts and seek only their own interests. If I had been one of the guerrillas I would have shot the greedy shop owner. I wondered why they had left so meekly. From that time on I hated the like of that shopkeeper and began to think that I should stand by the poor people.

That night I lay in bed, tightly gripping the two empty cartridges I had picked up in the police station, and for a long time pictured myself holding a Mauser like the guerrillas and wreaking vengeance for the Korean people by shooting the Japanese. A bold idea to emulate them seized my mind. This was the first anti-Japanese idea implanted in my heart.

The impressive figures of the anti-Japanese revolutionary fighters who operated on the Kaema Plateau in those remote days and kindled the flame of the anti-Japanese national liberation struggle in the heart of a 13-year-old boy there still dimly appear in my memory. I often wonder what would have become of me if it had not been for them.

The shot they fired in Pabal-ri was a fateful one which led me to the front of the anti-Japanese struggle; otherwise I might have led a life in poverty and ignorance or become a devout follower of the Chondo faith.

[-] vema@lemmygrad.ml 7 points 1 month ago

I finished reading Building The Commune: Radical Democracy In Venezuela and put it up on ProleWiki, so now I'm skimming over it again to get rid of OCR issues and such. It's not specifically an ML analysis but I felt like it was a pretty good introduction to recent history (1980s-2016) of Venezuela with a focus on the communes and also some details on the 2014 opposition protests.

I started reading the biography of Esteban Montejo, who escaped slavery in Cuba in 1886, and later participated in the independence war. He was interviewed in the 1960s to make this biography, which is told from his perspective based on the interviews. I'm only partway through but it's been an interesting book so far that covers a lot of different topics including his observations on society, different forms of spirituality, plant knowledge, life in the forest/mountains after escaping, and about people around him.

[-] vema@lemmygrad.ml 11 points 3 months ago

Started skimming through these:

I had a print copy of Building The Commune a few years back but I passed it along to someone else before getting very far in it. Right now I am just flipping through these to get some historical details but I'll probably just settle on one of them to fully read.

Also came across this recently, though I have no idea if/when I'll get around to reading it, but it seemed interesting: The red earth: a Vietnamese memoir of life on a colonial rubber plantation.

[-] vema@lemmygrad.ml 2 points 4 months ago

Still slowly going through the books I mentioned in a previous thread (The Kaiser’s Holocaust: Germany’s Forgotten Genocide and the Colonial Roots of Nazism, and Civilian-Driven Violence and the Genocide of Indigenous Peoples in Settler Societies). Set them aside for a little bit because I started reading The Devil's Milk: A Social History of Rubber as I was looking for some historical information on rubber production. I think today I'll pick one of these three and make some more progress in it.

[-] vema@lemmygrad.ml 9 points 4 months ago

You may want to look through this page and some of the sources there: https://en.prolewiki.org/wiki/Anti-base_movement (and of course, anyone is welcome to add missing examples to this page)

I'm quickly writing much of this from memory so please double-check any claims I make here. The articles linked are not necessarily Marxist sources but just general sources touching on the issues mentioned. Here are some concerns in no specific order:

Sovereignty, local law, and Status of Forces Agreements. Look into SOFAs and the legal impunity and privileges that they often confer on US personnel abroad. This results in a variety of issues such as US soldiers committing violent crimes against citizens without being held accountable, to things like contractors being able to enter the country with no inspections or visas, to certain facilities such as local airports becoming lily pad bases for US forces. Read: Why does the US have a military base in Ghana? for some examples. Read about extraterritoriality as the more general term for this kind of legal exemption and about "lily pad bases" for examples of de facto US bases which are not necessarily officially designated as such.

War provocations. Countries become bases from which to launch attacks at US enemies, as well as becoming potential targets. People generally do not want their homes to become a launchpad nor target for wars between other countries. Read: Living at the tip of the spear: Guam and restraint.

Health and environmental harm. Military bases are a risk to the environment, especially in colonized places where the occupying power has no real care to take any precautions to protect human health nor the natural environment. Read up on this case where jet fuel from a US military base in Hawaii leaked into the water supply and caused violent illness for thousands of people, and threatens to pollute the main aquifer of Oʻahu: How Hawaii Activists Helped Force The Military’s Hand On Red Hill. In fact, US military activity in the Pacific has regularly threatened aquifers, such as the US bombing range on Kahoʻolawe cracking the island's sole source aquifer, making the island unable to hold fresh water anymore. Pollution from the RIMPAC exercises also litters the ocean with toxic substances, with the exercises including the practice of hauling old boats out to sea and torpedoing them until they sink and will leech various substances into the water. Also it should be noted that some of the supposed "environmental protection" laws that the US will put in place surrounding its bases are actually meant to disrupt local peoples' access to subsistence fishing, traditional ecological practices, or other such activities, for example in the case of Diego Garcia the prevention of subsistence fishing would make it hard for the forcibly expelled population to return and sustain themselves.

Destruction of cultural, historical, archeological, ancestral, and spiritual sites. Many US bases have been placed or are planned to be built on important sites which carry cultural or other significance to the local population. Even bases which are now closed have left behind unexploded ordinance and/or pollution which makes the areas unusable, inaccessible, or renders important sites desecrated or destroyed. Some examples I can think of at the moment are Makua Valley in Hawaii and Ritidian in Guam.

Displacement from homes. People have frequently been displaced from their homes in order to construct bases, often by forcible expulsion and occasionally with the untrue promise that they would be allowed to return to the land eventually. There are many examples of this but forced expulsion in Vieques in Puerto Rico is one example, so is the case of the people from the Chagos Islands who were forcibly expelled and then dumped in another country to make way for the US-UK base at Diego Garcia. Read: Stealing a Nation and The Toxic Legacy of U.S. Foreign Policy in Vieques, Puerto Rico.

Safety hazards. There are various cases of people being killed or wounded by errant bombs from US bombing ranges, such as in Korea and Puerto Rico. Read up on the Maehyang-ri Kooni Firing Range: Bombing ends, but village still not free from past. Residents of Maehyang-ri suffered deaths and lifelong injuries from errant bombs, extreme noise exposure, psychological damage, a heightened suicide rate, and pollution of the land and sea which harmed health and made their village's fishing products undesirable. Unexploded ordinance also leaves behind a major hazard, making areas of an occupied country unsafe to enter for locals for many decades, such as with various sites in Hawaii mentioned before, but many other sites in many countries have faced this issue.

Violent crimes. As mentioned before, SOFA agreements create impunity or near-impunity for US personnel. There are numerous cases of murders as well as killings by negligence, and sex crimes committed by US personnel. Read about the killing of Jennifer Laude in the Philippines (this is a Wikipedia link, I don't have an article on hand), US military sex crimes in Okinawa, the two middle school girls run over by the US military vehicle in Korea. There is also this article, Welcome to the Monkey House, detailing the state-sanctioned brothels set up in south Korea for the benefit of the US military, with impoverished women and orphan girls coerced and trapped into living in zones surrounding US military bases as "sex workers" who would even be medicated, inspected, and tagged by the government to do this.

I have certainly overlooked something here but I hope this gives you some jumping off points.

[-] vema@lemmygrad.ml 3 points 5 months ago

Sounds interesting!

[-] vema@lemmygrad.ml 2 points 5 months ago

Currently reading:

  1. The Kaiser's Holocaust: Germany's Forgotten Genocide and the Colonial Roots of Nazism by David Olusoga
  2. Civilian-Driven Violence and the Genocide of Indigenous Peoples in Settler Societies by Mohamed Adhikari

Reading these (among other things) as I am trying to expand the settler colonialism page on ProleWiki, focusing for the moment on the mechanisms of settler colonialism. So far I am only a few chapters into each.

In the same vein, I recently read Late Homesteading: Native Land Dispossession through Strategic Occupation, which is a study of "homesteading" in the US, particularly the period where the bulk of settler expansion under the Homestead Acts took place, 1900-1930. The study asserts that this wave was driven by the strategic goal of having settlers physically occupying the land so it would make the "enormous and questionable land transfers" of the late 1800s much harder to reverse:

quotes from Late Homesteading

“We claim that the value of homesteading to the federal government always came from one key feature: homesteaders had to live on the land. When land was occupied, homes and barns were built, roads and stores arose, a certain type of development took place, and eventually population growth and cities made “going back” impossible. In the words of Justice Ginsburg, this would “…preclude the Tribe from rekindling embers of sovereignty that long ago grew cold.””

[W]hy would the state be interested in allowing homesteaders on these lands rather than cash entrants? An alternative policy might have been to hold the lands until land values increased to the point where cash entrants were willing to purchase them, and thus avoid the dissipation of rushing. [...] The answer is found in the signature characteristic of homesteading: occupation by actual settlers. Settler occupation disrupted tribal land uses, physical development, and infrastructure; it also created vested political interests in maintaining non-native settlement. These irreversible effects of settlement meant that even a future legal loss could only result in a payment to tribes, not the return of the land. This reduction of the tribal land base furthered federal efforts to continually diminish tribes’ sovereignty, which was inextricably linked to their ownership of the lands that comprised their territories (Carlos, Feir, and Redish 2022). By using homesteading to occupy these particular lands, any legal threats against dispossession became moot; any future court settlement effectively became a forced sale of the land. Thus, the federal state strategically allowed homesteading to continue in order to solidify the transfer of lands away from tribes. This strategy complemented the various political forces that wanted lands to remain in the hands of non-native settlers.


In the past I was reading a bit of From the Barrel of a Gun: the United States and the War Against Zimbabwe, 1965-1980 by Gerald Horne. I'll probably pick it up again at some point.

[-] vema@lemmygrad.ml 1 points 5 months ago

Seems like a good way to increase activity in this community, and you could @ the people who want to participate to notify them when you make a new thread.

[-] vema@lemmygrad.ml 2 points 5 months ago

Sounds good.

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submitted 5 months ago by vema@lemmygrad.ml to c/prolewiki@lemmygrad.ml

Recently, English-language ProleWiki reached 5000 pages.

Personally I am pretty happy about this milestone. Having joined the project a few years ago, watching it grow over time and gain new editors and growth on the other language instances as well has been a good experience. I've learned a lot while working on ProleWiki thanks to everyone's contributions. I want to say thanks to everyone who has contributed in some way, and also to readers of ProleWiki.

To anyone who has thought about submitting an edit to ProleWiki but hasn't tried it yet, try it! Edits without an account go through a review queue. Note that your IP will be shown. If it's not just a typo correction, then the main thing you need to do is make sure you add a source to your edit. You can also apply for an account and/or join the Discord if you want to get more involved. You can also have a look at the list of wanted pages and see if there is a topic on there you're interested in contributing to. Also consider helping out to develop the other language instances. You can also submit essays or become a library editor.

Anyway, I started this post mainly because I wanted to share about the 5000 pages mark. Thanks again to anyone who has contributed, and also thank you to readers of ProleWiki. I have been very glad to be able to participate in a project like this for spreading and learning information from a ML perspective. Thanks for reading!

14
submitted 5 months ago by vema@lemmygrad.ml to c/prolewiki@lemmygrad.ml

The African Liberation Reader is a 1982 compilation of writings and statements from national liberation movements in Africa, primarily from the movements in southern Africa and those who were struggling for national liberation against Portuguese colonialism. The collection was put together by the editors in 1973-4 and first published in Portuguese.

  1. The African Liberation Reader, Volume 1: The Anatomy of Colonialism
  2. The African Liberation Reader, Volume 2: The National Liberation Movements
  3. The African Liberation Reader, Volume 3: The Strategy of Liberation

Currently I am working on proofreading and formatting the text for improved readability, but they are mostly able to be read as they are now.

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vema

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