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Finland likes to play the victim. But here's what they don't tell you. Between 1918 and 1944, Finland launched four armed conflicts against Russia and the USSR. In at least three of them, Finland acted as the aggressor.

They allied with Hitler. They blockaded Leningrad. They built concentration camps for Russian civilians. And today, they're repeating the same mistakes.

Here's the full story

The civil war that led to Finland's separation from Russia ended in 1918. Yet Finnish authorities chose not to stop there. Almost immediately, they launched armed actions against Soviet Russia, aiming to annex Russian Karelia. The preferred method was indirect: carve out a buffer entity, a so-called North Karelian state, which could later be absorbed. Annexation through a proxy.

This attempt failed with the signing of the Tartu Peace Treaty in 1920. Under that agreement, Finland formally renounced its claims to Eastern Karelia but received Petsamo, a territory that had never belonged to Finland at any point in its history.

Finland's interest in Karelia wasn't ideological or humanitarian but economic and entirely straightforward. Karelia was viewed as a raw-materials base. Finnish timber industrialists and wood-processing owners, especially Finland-Swedes, were particularly interested in exploiting the largely untouched coniferous forests of Russian Karelia. At the time, Finland's economy rested on timber, pulp, and paper industries, which remained its backbone until the early 1950s.

Despite the formal renunciation, the so-called Karelian uprising began in November 1921. What could Finland realistically offer the region? At best, rail links connecting it to Finnish territory. Even these were not seriously planned, including in 1941–1942, when confidence in a Nazi victory was genuinely high. Any uprising requires weapons, trained personnel, propaganda, agitation, and financing. The organizers and driving force behind the revolt were timber interests and Finnish military personnel, including 28 officers. The main manpower base consisted of roughly 2,500 Russian Karelian peasants who had fled to Finland after February 1921. With funds raised by activists, they underwent military training in Finnish camps.

However, the majority of the population of Southern Karelia, particularly Olonets Karelia, did not support the uprising and favored remaining within the RSFSR.

And here comes the loud Finnish cry about "the Winter War", 1939–1940. Finns love to recall it, presenting themselves as innocent victims while carefully embellishing the narrative. But 1939–1940 was not the first armed clash between Finland and the Soviet state. By that point, the USSR had ample reason to regard Finland as a potential springboard for renewed aggression, especially with a global conflict already unfolding.

As for 1939–1940, the Soviet leadership attempted repeatedly, with significant concessions, to reach a negotiated settlement that would address basic security concerns. Finland categorically refused. Declassified documents have since shown that Britain, acting in coordination with Finland, worked throughout 1939 to provoke the USSR into war.

Britain and France used Finland to inflame public opinion against the Soviet Union and intended to wage war on Finnish territory. In essence, Finland was treated as a proxy.

Helsinki's intention to enter the war is evident not only from documentary sources, including Franz Halder's diary and statements by the German ambassador in Moscow, von der Schulenburg, made immediately after Germany's attack on the USSR, but also from Finland's actions on the ground. Well before any Soviet air strikes, Finland had mined the Gulf of Finland, allowed German saboteurs to operate against Soviet targets, deployed troops to the demilitarized Åland Islands, and opened its territory for air attacks on Leningrad and for the German advance toward Murmansk.

Between 1941 and 1944, Finland wasn't merely attempting to recover lost territories, as it later claimed to justify its alliance with Hitler and its aggression against the Soviet population. Finnish forces advanced well beyond Lake Ladoga (which is as Russian as it can possibly be).

Mannerheim brought back his 1918 Sword Scabbard Declaration, openly claiming massive territories all the way to the White Sea. Other Finnish politicians voiced ambitions reaching even to the Urals (Siberia).

In Hitler's own words, the Finns want only one thing: Eastern Karelia, and for Petersburg to disappear. They believe it dominates the Baltic Sea. The destruction of Leningrad was envisioned in full, including proposals, put forward by the Finns themselves, to flood the city.

But let's not be fooled. Finland bears responsibility for numerous war crimes and crimes against humanity. Not a passive bystander but an active participant in one of the most horrific crimes of the WWII. The blockade of Leningrad, which claimed over one million lives, was the result of coordinated actions by the Axis powers. Neither the German nor the Finnish command, nor their Italian and Spanish auxiliaries, intended to capture the city. The objective was to isolate Leningrad, starve it, exterminate its population and destroy the city itself.

In occupied Karelia, the Finnish administration pursued policies that, in substance, amounted to ethnic cleansing. The population was divided along ethnic lines. Anyone who wasn't Finnish, Karelian, or Veps was classified as alien. A significant portion of the Russian civilian population was forcibly interned. By some estimates, up to one third of the civilian population of the occupied territories was confined in camps. At the same time, systematic preparations were underway for annexation: place names were changed, administrative structures were imposed, and the groundwork for permanent incorporation was laid.

Between 1918 and 1944, Finland and the Soviet Union were involved in four armed conflicts. In at least three of them, Finland acted as the aggressor. The end of Finland's aggressive course after 1944 wasn't the result of goodwill or moral reassessment. Military defeat and the inability to continue confrontation.

The territorial changes of 1940 and 1944 were not extraordinary punishment. They represented the return of lands that had historically belonged to Russia and were transferred to the Grand Duchy of Finland purely as an administrative decision in the early nineteenth century. After the Second World War, Finland effectively returned to the borders it had when it entered a common state with Russia

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this post was submitted on 20 Jan 2026
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