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submitted 1 week ago by [email protected] to c/[email protected]

I feel like this one is kind of a miss? A bit of revisionism to say that money has no relation at all with value. Marx is clear about this… gold is money because it has value. This is true simultaneously with money as a symbol detaching from its material form and the value relation. This symbolic form can only exist after mediation as value.

It’s like saying: the airplane does not interact with gravity because it does not fall to the ground. No — gravity is essential to the mechanism of flight.

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[-] [email protected] 3 points 1 week ago* (last edited 1 week ago)

Hudson and Desai are right: money has no value.

In fact, Hudson has yelled at people for regurgitating a “fascist talking point” when someone once asked him, during an interview, that if money has inherent value.

Marx called gold the money-commodity in Vol. 1 because at the time, which was the gold standard era, every economist still bought into Adam Smith’s “money = barter” myth. Marx’s take on money was more nuanced in Vol. 3.

Hudson’s research into the palatial origins of money and interest (popularized by David Graeber in his book Debt: The First 5,000 Years) has thoroughly debunked Smith’s barter myth and demonstrated that money is simply debt (and debt is simply a promise).

When the currency issuer gives you money (by purchasing something created with your labor), what you are receiving is an IOU (debt owed to you by the currency issuer) - a promise that you can use that money to exchange for something else. Therefore, money/gold has no inherent value, but merely represents a promise to you by the currency issuer who has the legal monopoly of issuing and coining the currency.

It is now much more accepted in the field that gold emerged as a proxy of money during the Middle Ages because unlike the early civilizations when the population base was much smaller, it was very difficult for the sovereignties of the Middle Ages to legally enforce money as a form of debt, especially when it comes to trade. And they still did it in the colonies where they would force the native population in the colonies to pay a hut tax in exchange for their labor. Therefore, the role of money as debt never went away, simply that the authorities could not feasibly enforce its role during the Middle Ages.

In other words, gold was an inferior substitute of money due to the technological limitations in transportation and communications at the time. In the modern economy with a modern financial system where everything has been digitalized and computerized, there is simply no reason for gold (or any kind of fixed exchange rate regime) to be used as a currency simply because the currency issuer, as a monetary sovereign, can easily enforce their legal authority almost everywhere in the world, instantaneously.

[-] [email protected] 1 points 1 week ago* (last edited 1 week ago)

I don't agree that money as a commodity is restricted to Volume 1. You might not have meant it exactly like this, but it seems implied in your comment that Marx only considered money a commodity in a rudimentary stage of analysis, which at a later stage is completely done away with. Certainly in Volume 3, Marx regards money in its fully developed aspects, as a pole fully separated from the commodity; but this is only justified after having traced money from a mere commodity to something more.

In Theories of Surplus Value, Marx repeats the money-as-a-commodity point in several places. I don't think he intended on restricting it to some primitive analysis in Volume 1.

If money is at first a commodity, and if over time a symbol of money representing the material predominates as money in practice, what is actually money then? Is it the symbol or the material it references? I find it impossible to understand a symbol without its referent. As much as paper money lives in an alienated sphere all on its own... I think it must, in the final analysis, ultimately point back to value. The "IOU" you mention is exactly that, a promise that there is a commodity (a value) underpinning that piece of paper, if push comes to shove. I, of course, agree that the symbol does not itself have value.

The historical research about debt is quite fascinating. Hudson and Graeber have done a great service in bringing attention to this. The fact that money is far older than capitalism is something that should make any Marxist scratch their head about the way Marx explains the historical development of money. I recall Radhika Desai, in one of the Geopolitical Economy Hours, saying something like (paraphrasing): "Money has existed for millennia, but capitalist money is of course a new development. The need for something that satisfies the various functions of money, laid out by Marx, causes changes to this pre-existing money so that it can perform these functions. Capital warps and twists this ancient category and converts it into a capitalist one."

In any case I'm happy to read your response and appreciate your insight as always. I'm always willing to learn and I don't pretend to be an expert on this.

[-] [email protected] 4 points 1 week ago

I’m not an expert either haha, and happy to discuss. Please give the Hudson article and Graeber’s book a read.

I think many Marxists who are resistant to this view (for example, Michael Roberts) is that they are still very much stuck to the “fixed exchange rate regime” mindset and haven’t realized that a lot of the restrictions no longer apply in a free floating exchange rate system, where money is not tied to gold/another currency.

[-] [email protected] 3 points 1 week ago

I've noticed this too and have qualms when academic Marxists throw out value from a discussion of Marx and political economy. I have tried getting a better idea of how Desai and Hudson view money, and if any hints at value may be there. After all, in academia one often must hide ones orthodox Marxism. But their views are very Chartalist.

Radhika Desai says in an earlier Geopolitical Economy Report episode, Understanding money and the dollar system’s contradictions with Radhika Desai & Michael Hudson

I’d just like to say that it is very common, actually, both among mainstream as well as critical thinkers, to tend to talk as if money is a commodity. You will even find many Marxists who say that Marx thought money was a commodity. In reality, money is not a commodity. Money is actually an ancient social institution. It arises from old practices of keeping accounts ... keeping accounts of debt, et cetera.

And then later in the Episode Radhika makes a point that gold isn't money, but is money material, material thay serves as a stand in or expression of money.

if money is debt, then money is a relation. It’s not a commodity. It is not a single object or entity or anything like that... Because gold has played such an important role in the recent and modern history, or monetary history, of the world, people think that gold and silver were money. Gold and silver were not money. Gold and silver were money material.

As long as one relates thay back to value, then I can vibe with that. But they never seem to discuss value

And from Desai's and Hudson's paper, Beyond the Dollar Creditocracy: A Geopolitical Economy

You can see their Chartalist, MMT perspective by their relating money fundamentally to debt, and not to value or commodity exchange.

No other notion sets back our understanding of money than that money is a commodity

First, all money is debt, whether issued by states or owed by households and fi rms to private creditors.

I'm okay with even the idea of looking at money as debt, but to me (and I'm an just pol econ n00b so this may be half-brained) discussing debt is another way of discussing value. If a person x is in debt to person y, then person x, or some part of society's labor that x controls, must allocate real labor toward the production of value that can satisfy that debt. And if we abstract away from money but think of an example od debt repayments in kind, x baking an apple pie for y probably isn't a good debt repayment for the aircraft carrier that x borrowed from y. Why... hmm, maybe it has something go do with value.

Maybe I'm off base here, but I see value has the true thing that underlies even debt. So value comes back into the picture because production, labor is the bedrock of any political economy. And that social labor must be reallocated in various outlets and acts as the real constraint, even if its only debts that are being paid back.

I've shared one criticism of MMT from Michael Roberts here before, but got some push back. And the push back may have been warranted. This paper may oversimplify the MMT position and I can't completely judge it's worth. Nonetheless I'll risk sharing it again. More discussion re. It is good even if it is disagreement. The criticism is again, that MMT, or at least the popularized versions of it ignores value, and hence the limits of an economy's productive capacity - while also noting that scholars within the field do recognize these limits even if the limits aren't present in the popularization of MMT

From Michael Robert's article The Modern Monetary Trick

Money only has value if there is value in production to back it. Government spending cannot create that value... Productive value is what gives money credibility. A productive private sector generates the domestic product and income that gives government liabilities credibility in the first place. When that credibility is not there, then trust in the state’s currency can disappear fast, as we have seen in Venezuela, Zimbabwe and Argentina.

The claim that governments can spend money and run deficits without the constraint of the burden of rising debt is not really new, or radical.... All MMT seems to be adding is the claim that governments don’t even need to increase debt in the form of government bonds, as the central bank/state can ‘print’ money to fund spending. 

But even MMT theorists admit that there are real constraints to money creation.

But there are constraints on government spending, that MMT admits to. According to Kelton, ‘the only economic constraints currency-issuing states face are inflation and the availability of labor and other material resources in the real economy’. Those are two big constraints, it seems to me. According to MMT, inflation arises after unused capacity in an economy is used up, so that there is full employment of the workforce for given technology. When there is no extra capacity, and supply has reached its limit, more government spending financed by printing money will be inflationary and prices will rise. The state may control and issue the currency, and governments may never run out of it, but the capitalist sector controls technology, labour conditions and the level of skills and intensity of the workforce. In other words, the state does not control the productivity of labour – real value – with its dollar printing. An economy is limited by productivity and the size of the labour force when fully employed, so if the government goes on pumping money in when output cannot be raised further, inflation of commodity prices and/or in speculative financial assets will follow. And MMT supporters are well aware of this risk.

In recognising that the law of value and the exploitation of labour power determine the value of money, Marxist Monetary Theory explains precisely what MMT obscures: that production is for profit not social need; that it is for exchange value, not use value; and that the monetary system is based on exploitation in production, not the creation of money for taxation

I'm not the one who can express it, but I'm sure there are ways to better put Desai and Hudsons views in better dialogue with Value. Academic Marxists tend to throw out value, but I think of that as a major theoretical error. You throw out the law of value, and the current through which either economy fundamentally rests on labor

Another limitation of MMT that both Michael Hudson and Michael Roberts mention is that it is a theory of domestic money creation. It doesn't help with the creation of foreing currency obviously. So there are limitations in the theory's use in international exchange. As well as for nations that have no sovereign currency, obviously.

[-] [email protected] 3 points 1 week ago* (last edited 1 week ago)

The claim that governments can spend money and run deficits without the constraint of the burden of rising debt is not really new, or radical.... All MMT seems to be adding is the claim that governments don’t even need to increase debt in the form of government bonds, as the central bank/state can ‘print’ money to fund spending.

That’s not what MMT says though, despite that it has been regurgitated so many times (and I suspect I myself might also have been guilty of that in the past) that people simply think “MMT = printing money”.

One of the greatest contributions of MMT to economics is the introduction of a price anchor through a Job Guarantee program - which automatically controls inflation. It is not just “priting money”, it is “printing money with an automatic stabilizer built in so you will always be able to control demand-side inflation”.

Therefore, MMT is not Keynesianism, for the Keynesians themselves could not solve the inflation problem at full employment, which is why even Keynes himself advocated for austerity when an economic crisis has passed and the economy has gone back to full employment. Ironically, it was the Keynesians failure to address the inflation problem that led to the rise of neoliberalism in the 1970s where their “solution” to inflation was to crush worker’s wages and create unemployment.

And we know that MMT works, because Stalin already did it from 1929-1955 during the first Five-Year Plans. Stalin showed that you can indeed run a huge deficits for 25 years straight without inflation, through the introduction of a dual circuit monetary system. No other economy until the US in the 1970s has run a deficit that large and that long without the inflation problem. It was only after Khrushchev reintroducing liberal economics by defaulting on the Soviet mandatory bonds in 1957 and overturning many of Stalin’s policies that the USSR’s growth began to plateau and eventually entering a stagnation period.

[-] [email protected] 2 points 1 week ago

Thanks for the response!

I'm trying to think of how that would work with the limited knowledge I have. I'm trying to piece together all these scattered teachings into something coherent in my brain lol. I don't have an education in political economy so you'll have to bear with me. I preface my response with this because I feel like in online writing everyone defaults to assuming bad intentions or hostility. I'd just like to try to better synthesize everything I'm slowly learning.

Is the following one way of approaching why Stalin's plan worked: So the full job guarantee would allow the available labor of the economy L~total~ to be maximally allocated to production of use values at some volume Q~max~ given the productive capacity of the economy.

Given the equation of exchange, which to my knowledge is a tautology re. how the velocity of money isdefined. So it is (trivially) always true by definition - which may make if a pointless equation lol

M v = P Q

Rearranging for the price level given full employment,

P = v M/Q~max~

So the price level shouldn't increase as long as the maximal allocation of labor can keep up with money production, i.e. increases in M are matched by increases in Q~max~ given static v (which I know in practice is never static though). If Q~max~ can't increase, then the only way to increase if is to improve productivity, L~total~ is already allocated. How does Stalin's dual circuit monetary system break this equation, or overcome it? As it is a tautology I thought it would be true by definition, but is it built on assumptions that the dual circuit can bypass? Thanks!

Going on a tangent regarding the allocation/distribution/division of labor to various sectors, the above just discusses aggregate quantities, like the aggregate labor L or aggregated volume produced Q. This labor myst be reallocated to sectors, and this reallocation would have to be commanded or allocated via a law of value. Soviet textbooks post Stalin do mention that the law of value still regulates the economy, and Stalin in his Economic Problems of the USSR mentions the law of value as operating in the economy, but as a limited regulator, or if not a regulator then an influencer.

It is sometimes asked whether the law of value exists and operates in our country, under the socialist system.

Yes, it does exist and does operate. Wherever commodities and commodity production exist, there the law of value must also exist.

In our country, the sphere of operation of the law of value extends, first of all, to commodity circulation, to the ex-change of commodities through purchase and sale, the ex-change, chiefly, of articles of personal consumption. Here, in this sphere, the law of value preserves, within certain limits, of course, the function of a regulator.

But the operation of the law of value is not confined to the sphere of commodity circulation. It also extends to production. True, the law of value has no regulating function in our socialist production, but it nevertheless influences production, and this fact cannot be ignored when directing production. As a matter of fact, consumer goods, which are needed to compensate the labour power expended in the process of production, are produced and realized in our country as commodities coming under the operation of the law of value. It is precisely here that the law of value exercises its influence on production. In this connection, such things as cost accounting and profitableness, production costs, prices, etc., are of actual importance in our enterprises. Consequently, our enterprises cannot, and must not, function without taking the law of value into account

It appears that for consumption goods the law of value appears and regulates, but in the production of intermediate goods the law of value does not regulate, but since consumption goods are required to reproduce labor, the law of value (in consumption goods) does have an impact, or influence on intermediate goods.

Does the above relate to the dual circuit you were discussing?

Thanks again!

[-] [email protected] 2 points 1 week ago* (last edited 1 week ago)

How does Stalin's dual circuit monetary system break this equation, or overcome it?

Let’s go over how the price anchor in MMT works first. The key here is that the currency issuer (i.e. the state) also determines the wage (labor-hour), thereby anchoring labor to the price of commodity.

Job Guarantee is one implementation of this principle that is tailored to the present day modern economy, given the dynamics of private-public enterprises, legal and monetary institutions and the various infrastructures already in place.

In short, the Job Guarantee ensures that anyone who is willing to work will be employed in a “Public/State Enterprise”, and by setting the price of the labor-hour (how much the State is paying a publicly employed worker), it also sets a wage floor and thereby anchoring the rate of labor and commodity to this, since price is relative.

Let’s say you’re a nurse working in a private hospital and you’re being paid $50 per hour. You want to demand a wage increase, and wants to do so through collective bargaining. Without Job Guarantee, the private employer can simply tell you no, or proceed to lay off workers demanding higher wages, since the labor can be easily replaced.

However, with a Job Guarantee - say the State guarantees a pay of $45 per hour - you can simply threaten to collectively leave the job and join the State-run hospital that guarantees a minimum wage. This minimum wage may be slightly lower than the pay from private enterprise, but the most important part is that two things happen here:

  1. The loss in output from the private enterprise layoff is now immediately replaced by the same workers being employed in the State enterprise, producing the same output and receiving more or less the same wages. This keeps both productivity and consumption demand intact.
  2. The private enterprise cannot keep a buffer of unemployment to keep its wages low, because the workers it laid off are automatically being funneled to the Job Guarantee program. It therefore has to pay at or higher wage (inclusive of bonus, paid leave and benefits) than what the State offers, otherwise people will simply leave their jobs and join the State enterprise.

Therefore, with the State offering a Job Guarantee and setting the wage floor, this mechanism becomes an automatic stabilizer that controls inflation, since prices are relative to the wage (while output remains constant)!

The Job Guarantee therefore acts as an elastic pool of workers employed by the State - when private enterprises lay off workers, the workers don’t lose their income but instead are taken on by the State, ensuring that both output and demand do not fall off a cliff. Similarly, when the business is booming and the private enterprises pay higher wages, these workers will shift towards private employment and the pool of Job Guarantee workers shrinks.

Now, let’s move on to how the USSR under Stalin’s Five-Year Plans handled the inflation issue. With the 1930-31 Credit Reform, a dual circuit component was introduced to the Soviet monetary system: non-cash and cash rubles. Non-cash ruble circuit allows the settlements between enterprises and long-term financing of capital investment (for the creation of means of production), whereas the cash ruble circuit allows the settlements of the transactions between the citizens and retail trade turnover (this is where ordinary citizens get paid for their labor).

The two circuits are only partially overlapped - where the cash ruble emission is issued and regulated by the State Bank on the basis of the availability of goods and commodities, in the form of wage payment to the workers.

What this means is that it allows the State to run a perpetually large deficit to finance development, without having to worry about inflation since the amount of cash ruble is tightly regulated, and determined by the State.

The loop goes like this: the State runs a large deficit by creating non-cash rubles to finance capital investments -> new production/factories are built -> new goods are created/issued -> cash rubles are then issued on the basis of productivity and availability of goods in the form of wage payment.

As such, demand-side inflation is effectively controlled even though huge sums of non-cash rubles have been emitted by the State Bank to drive large scale development.

So, very different implementation from MMT’s Job Guarantee, but both share the same principles: in both cases, the State sets the wages!

This is very different from price fixing, as an example, since fixing commodities to particular prices does not account for prices becoming lower as production of private enterprises become more efficient than the state enterprises.

I think many Marxists (including Roberts) who don’t like MMT are still stuck to the “fixed exchange rate regime” mindset (e.g. gold standard during Marx’s time and the Bretton Woods afterwards) and do not understand that in a free floating exchange rate system, many of the restrictions no longer apply. Stalin correctly decoupled the ruble from gold in the late 1920s/early 1930s, and the USSR economy took off.

[-] [email protected] 1 points 1 week ago* (last edited 1 week ago)

All MMT seems to be adding is the claim that governments don’t even need to increase debt in the form of government bonds, as the central bank/state can ‘print’ money to fund spending.

MMT isn't strictly against bond issuance. Money itself is debt, the cash in your wallet is Government debt, money in your bank is debt of the bank which it promises to be fully convertible to Government debt whether using reserves or cash withdrawal.

Money has to be created ("printed") first before it's taxed back.

When the Government sells bonds when it runs deficits, people need to have Government money in the first place to buy the said bonds (since Government only accepts their money). This money must have come from previous Government or bank money creation. This is why MMTers say bond issuance is more about monetary policy than fiscal.

Only a Government fiscal deficit (assuming no external sector) can create net financial assets in the domestic non-Government sector.

The limits of "money creation" are real, not financial, that's what functional finance is about.

MMT doesn't say following functional finance will make every poor third world country rich. However, the current sound finance framework and focus on arbitrary financial ratios have resulted in nearly all third world countries having high un/underemployment, way below capacity. Many third world Governments actually think they NEED foreign investments to mobilize domestic resources, when in reality foreign investments should be to get foreign expertise, currency and technology.

When foreign investors invest, they bring in foreign currencies for which the central bank or commercial banks provide local currencies for. This creates external demand for domestic currency.

This allows the country to import more but can also create dependencies especially with Portfolio investment ie allowing foreigners to buy liquid domestic financial assets like shares and not less liquid real assets like plant and machinery. Even with FDI, flows can stop quickly which will depreciate the exchange rate and force an adjustment in trade.

Whether a country should run trade surpluses to obtain foreign currencies and stabilize the exchange rate, increase demand for currency abroad should be based on whether it improves the country materially, not on whether it lowers fiscal deficits or local currency Government debt.

this post was submitted on 18 May 2025
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