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The foreign ministers of Niger and Mali have accused neighbouring countries of sponsoring terrorism, but said they were willing to cooperate on some matters with the West African regional bloc ECOWAS, from which they formally split last year.

The accusations, made on the sidelines of a security forum in Diamniadio, Senegal, late on Monday, underscore regional rifts in West Africa that can complicate efforts to curb jihadist violence across the Sahel, a semi-arid belt of land stretching across Africa.

Mali, Niger and neighbouring Burkina Faso have been battling jihadist insurgencies for over a decade. All three countries are led by military governments which seized power in coups and then broke away from ECOWAS to form their own bloc, the Alliance of Sahel States (AES).

There are neighbouring countries that are currently harbouring terrorist groups, supporting terrorist groups, or frequently receiving hostile forces that carry out operations against us, Malian Foreign Minister Abdoulaye Diop told Reuters.

He declined to name which neighbours he was referring to but added that foreign powers outside the region were also involved. He said Ukrainian mercenaries had attacked Mali and claimed responsibility, in an apparent reference to comments by a spokesperson for Ukraine’s military intelligence agency (GUR) about fighting in northern Mali in 2024. Ukraine said at the time there was no evidence that it had played a role in the fighting. It has since denied supplying drones to rebels in the north of Mali.

Tensions have also been high between Mali and Mauritania in recent weeks, with Mali claiming two of its soldiers were held by armed groups across the border, and Mauritania saying it was offended by the claim, which it denied.

READ MORE: Nigeria’s Defence Minister Matawalle Attempted to Bribe US Official to Cover Up Report on Christian Killings, Says Florida Rep

Niger’s Foreign Minister Bakary Yaou Sangare said in a speech at the forum that many countries seeking to cooperate with Niger on counterterrorism are also “fuelling, financing and sustaining” terrorism in the country. He told Reuters he was referring to France. The French foreign ministry did not immediately respond to a request for comment. Niger’s military ruler Abdourahamane Tiani in January blamed French, Benin and Ivory Coast presidents for sponsoring an attack on the country’s international airport, an accusation he made without offering any evidence.

The current chairman of ECOWAS, Sierra Leonean President Julius Maada Bio, appealed to the AES states to either rejoin the regional bloc or collaborate more with it. But Mali’s Diop told Reuters that “Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, politically speaking, have withdrawn from ECOWAS.”

Our withdrawal is final, so there’s no point in saying we’re asking people to come back.

Nevertheless, Diop added that AES could maintain a constructive dialogue with ECOWAS on freedom of movement and preserving a common market.

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President Bola Tinubu replaced his finance minister, Wale Edun, with Taiwo Oyedele on April 21, 2026, in a cabinet reshuffle that also saw housing minister Ahmed Dangiwa removed. The official statement from the Secretary to the Government of the Federation said the changes were meant to “strengthen cohesion, synergy in governance” and achieve “more impactful delivery on the economy.” But the timing of Edun’s departure has raised a pressing question: was he sacked for uncovering staggering financial irregularities?

Just months before his removal, Edun made two explosive disclosures that shook Nigeria’s political and financial circles. First, during a December 2025 budget defence session with lawmakers, he revealed a massive revenue shortfall. The federal government had projected ₦40.8 trillion in revenue for 2025, but Edun told legislators that “the actual trajectory suggests about ₦10.7 trillion,” confirming a revenue gap of roughly ₦30 trillion. He also admitted that only about 30 percent of the 2025 capital budget had been funded, with the remainder set to be rolled over into 2026.

READ ALSO: World Bank Exposes N34 Trillion Hidden Spending as Finance Minister Dismisses Report in Shameful Press Release

Second, and perhaps more damaging, Edun publicly called for a forensic audit of the Nigerian National Petroleum Company Limited (NNPCL). This followed a Senate Public Accounts Committee query over a staggering ₦210 trillion discrepancy in the NNPC’s audited accounts covering 2017 to 2023. The discrepancy broke down into ₦103 trillion in accrued expenses and ₦107 trillion in receivables, both lacking adequate documentation. By backing the audit, Edun positioned himself on the side of transparency, but also put himself at odds with powerful interests within the oil sector and the government.

Tensions between Tinubu and Edun had been building for months. A heated exchange at a Federal Executive Council meeting on December 10, 2025, saw Edun reportedly raise his voice at the president over slow capital budget releases. A presidential aide had to intervene. Shortly after, key financial responsibilities including revenue generation, cash management, and debt oversight were stripped from Edun’s ministry, effectively sidelining him before his eventual dismissal.

Opposition figures have been direct in their accusations. Former lawmaker Dino Melaye asked whether Edun was removed “because he could not cover up the stolen 24 billion dollars (34 trillion naira) diverted from our revenue.” Contractors who had protested delayed payments were seen in viral videos celebrating Edun’s exit. The presidency has not directly responded to the allegations, and Edun himself has not publicly commented since his removal. Whether the reshuffle was routine or retaliatory remains unanswered, but the question lingers across Nigeria.

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The President of Burkina Faso, Head of State, His Excellency Captain Ibrahim Traoré, chaired the weekly Council of Ministers meeting on Thursday, April 16, 2026. According to the Minister and Government Spokesperson, Mr. Pingdwendé Gilbert Ouédraogo, the Council reviewed and adopted several items and made important decisions for the full development of the Burkinabè people, in accordance with the Popular Progressive Revolution.

On behalf of the Ministry of Industry, Trade and Handicrafts, the Council adopted two decrees respectively nationalizing the Burkinabe Textile Fiber Company (SOFITEX) and approving the specific statutes of said company.

According to the Minister in charge of Industry, Mr. Serge Gnaniodem PODA, SOFITEX is a public limited company with a share capital of 19.5 billion FCFA, 89% of which is held by the State, 5% by State entities and 6% by national and international private actors.

“Unfortunately, for several years, SOFITEX has been facing numerous difficulties related to the weight of its financial debt, significant internal operating costs, the delays it often observes in payments to producers, but also certain parameters at the international level related to the costs of raw materials and inputs,” explains Minister PODA.

He indicated that faced with these difficulties which could negatively impact the performance of SOFITEX in the context of the Popular Progressive Revolution, and in accordance with the vision of His Excellency Captain Ibrahim TRAORÉ, the People's Government has decided to nationalize the shares previously held by private individuals, in order to be the sole shareholder and 100% owner of this company.

On behalf of the Ministry of Justice, the Council adopted a decree repealing the decrees appointing the commissioners and members of the bureau of the National Human Rights Commission (CNDH). Minister Edasso Rodrigue Bayala stated that the CNDH is governed by the principles of impartiality, pluralism, complementarity, and cooperation.

“But for some time now, we have observed that at the level of the National Human Rights Commission, these principles which should govern the mission of this institution are not respected, or are violated daily,” explains Minister BAYALA, who specifies that this is not a dissolution of the CNDH, but a repeal of the said decrees which will allow, for example, a review of the law and its adaptation to the current context of the fight against terrorism.

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The Burkinabe fighting forces have marked a decisive turning point in the reconquest of the national territory. Through a series of large-scale operations conducted during the first two weeks of April 2026, the army demonstrated an unprecedented increase in strength, characterized by a formidable level of air-land coordination.

The culmination of this offensive took place on the night of April 13-14 in the Soum province. Thanks to precise intelligence, air assets neutralized a massive concentration of terrorists coming from the East, followed by a ground sweep by the 28th Rapid Intervention Battalion (BIR).

The enemy suffered heavy losses: over one hundred attackers neutralized and a colossal arsenal recovered. This operation illustrates the new "strategic boldness" of the national forces, capable of striking the enemy with precision, even in their retreat positions.

In addition to tactical successes, the army is now targeting the "masterminds." The neutralization of high-ranking leaders, such as Karim Torodo in Nakambé, demonstrates a desire to decapitate the terrorist command.

As the armed forces spokesperson pointed out, this offensive dynamic relates to total synergy between the land forces, air force and the Volunteers for the Defense of the Homeland (VDP).

The outlook for the struggle now hinges on a sustained offensive. With battle-hardened units and sky-high morale, the objective stated is the complete liberation of the territory. For the armed groups, the message from the authorities is unequivocal: flee Burkina Faso or die.

Source -> https://burkina24.com/2026/04/17/burkina-faso-larmee-frappe-fort-plus-de-100-terroristes-neutralises/

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The Minister of Family and Solidarity, Lieutenant-Colonel Passowendé Pélagie KABORÉ, received His Excellency Mr. ZHAO Deyong, Ambassador of the People's Republic of China to Burkina Faso, in audience on April 10. During the meeting, the two parties signed the handover document for food aid provided by China, consisting of over 1,800 tons of rice, valued at over 1.6 billion CFA francs.

The Chinese Ambassador expressed his satisfaction that, since the resumption of diplomatic relations between the two countries, bilateral cooperation has steadily strengthened, with tangible results in the fields of agriculture, health, and humanitarian action. He congratulated Burkina Faso on achieving its goal of food self-sufficiency by 2025 and expressed his conviction that, under the leadership of the two heads of state, Sino-Burkinabe cooperation will achieve even greater successes.

For her part, the Minister praised the quality of the partnership between the two countries. She indicated that China's development, based on mobilizing its own resources, is a source of inspiration for Burkina Faso. She noted that Chinese food aid for the past two consecutive years has contributed to improving the living conditions of many vulnerable families. By 2025, nearly 140,000 people had benefited from Chinese support. She assured that the rice donation would be used optimally to meet the needs of the population. Burkina Faso is ready to pursue broader cooperation with China.

Since the resumption of diplomatic relations, China has provided Burkina Faso with more than 10,000 tons of food, as well as a batch of equipment for IDPs worth more than 700 million CFA francs, through various bilateral and multilateral mechanisms.

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The International Monetary Fund has once again proven that its loyalty lies with economic dogma, not human life. In the face of a spiralling Middle East crisis that has pushed crude oil prices above 113 dollars per barrel, the IMF has warned the Nigerian government against returning to fuel subsidies despite the fact that millions of Nigerians can no longer afford to eat, commute, or keep their small businesses open.

What exactly is the IMF saying? Stay the course. Keep the reforms. Do not reverse the removal of fuel subsidies. Never mind that global oil prices have blown past Nigeria’s 60 dollar budget benchmark by nearly double. Never mind that transportation costs have tripled in some areas. Never mind that food insecurity is now a daily reality for over half the population. The IMF’s prescription is simple: Nigerians must tighten their belts further while the fund pats itself on the back for creating buffers.

The hypocrisy is staggering. The same IMF that lectures Nigeria on fiscal discipline presides over a global financial system where wealthy nations routinely subsidise their own essential goods. The United States subsidises farming and energy. The European Union spends billions protecting its farmers. France keeps fuel subsidies in its overseas territories. But when Nigeria wants to use its own oil wealth to keep its own people alive, the IMF cries foul.

The fund’s Director of the African Department, Abebe Selassie, acknowledged that rising transportation costs will increase pressure on food security and that the crisis is making life difficult for people. Then he immediately added that policy consistency must be maintained. In plain English, he said: We see that you are suffering, but do not change anything. That is not advice. That is cruelty dressed in economic jargon.

The IMF revised Nigeria’s 2026 growth forecast downward to 4.1 per cent. It is preparing a 50 billion dollar support package. But anyone familiar with IMF history knows that such packages come with strings attached. More conditionality. More austerity. More demands that Nigeria keep its hands off its own resources while global oil companies and foreign creditors get paid first.

Critics of the IMF have long argued that the fund treats African economies as laboratories for failed economic experiments. The structural adjustment programmes of the 1980s and 1990s gutted public services across the continent. Now, under the banner of reform, the IMF is demanding that Nigeria maintain a policy that has directly contributed to record inflation, mass poverty, and a wave of small business closures. Meanwhile, the fund offers no concrete plan for how Nigerians are supposed to survive the immediate shock of 113 dollar oil.

Finance Minister Wale Edun has ruled out a return to broad based subsidies, parroting the IMF line that support must be targeted and temporary. But targeted support in a country with no functional social registry and widespread corruption means most Nigerians will see nothing. The IMF knows this. It does not care.

The question Nigerians should be asking is simple. Why does the IMF have any say in whether Nigeria uses its own crude oil to subsidise its own citizens? The answer is that successive governments have surrendered economic sovereignty to foreign lenders. Until that changes, the IMF will keep telling Nigerians to suffer while the rest of the world protects its own. That is not economic wisdom. That is institutionalised indifference.

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The government of Mali has approved a sweeping new policy aimed at transforming the country’s water sector over the next decade. The decision, adopted during a Council of Ministers meeting, establishes a National Water Policy alongside four flagship programs to guide implementation from 2026 to 2035.

Already aligned with the country’s Sustainable Development Strategy (2024–2033), the initiative is designed to strengthen national sovereignty over water resources while ensuring long-term sustainability.

At its core, the policy seeks to guarantee equitable, safe, and reliable access to water for all citizens, while supporting key sectors of the economy. Government officials describe the move as both a development priority and a strategic necessity in the face of growing demand and environmental pressures.

The four flagship programs will focus on improving governance within the water sector, upgrading hydraulic infrastructure, expanding access to clean drinking water and sanitation services, and promoting integrated, sustainable resource management.

Beyond its technical goals, the reform signals a broader political stance: the state intends to assert stronger control over its strategic resources in order to better meet public needs and drive national development.

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Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed this morning presided over the inauguration of the Assela Wind Farm in the East Arsi Zone of Oromia Regional State, marking a significant step in Ethiopia’s renewable energy development.

The wind farm adds 100 megawatts of clean energy to the national grid, advancing the country’s efforts to diversify its energy mix and strengthen the reliability of electricity supply, the Prime Minister said in a social media post after the commissioning of the Assela Wind Farm.

“From our determined efforts to break the darkness through wind energy, Ethiopia has steadily advanced as we proudly inaugurate the Assela Wind Farm today,” he disclosed.

The project reflects Ethiopia’s ongoing commitment to a sustainable and prosperous energy future.

The Prime Minister emphasized that Ethiopia’s progress across all sectors will continue, expressing optimism that the nation’s full potential and greater achievements are approaching.

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[2026-04-16] @CGTNAfrica: […] The move is aimed at strengthening the country’s capacity to stockpile unused export quotas and increase control over global supply chains. (Photo: CFP)

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Economic Freedom Fighters leader Julius Malema has been sentenced to five years in prison after being found guilty of the illegal possession of a gun and firing it in public.

Magistrate Twanet Olivier delivered her ruling at the East London Regional Court in KuGompo City, Eastern Cape.

Malema's lawyer said that he would appeal the decision.

The opposition leader was convicted last year on five charges, including unlawful possession of a firearm and discharging a weapon in a public place, over the 2018 incident at a stadium in the Eastern Cape province. According to the charges, Malema fired several shots in the air during his party's fifth anniversary celebrations in 2018 after using a semi-automatic rifle.

The EFF is the fourth-biggest party in parliament.

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The Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) rejects the appointment of Roelf Meyer as South Africa’s Ambassador to the United States of America by President Cyril Ramaphosa. This appointment is not only politically tone-deaf but is a deliberate insult to our democratic struggle.

Roelf Meyer’s history locates him as a central figure within the apartheid state, having risen through the ranks of the National Party, the political instrument that engineered and enforced racial oppression in South Africa. Meyer served as a Member of Parliament for the National Party from 1979, at a time when apartheid was at its most brutal, characterised by bannings, detentions without trial, violent repression of dissent, and the systemic exclusion of Black South Africans from political and economic life.

He went on to hold several key positions within the apartheid government, including Deputy Minister of Law and Order and later Minister of Defence. The Department of Law and Order was directly responsible for the police machinery that enforced apartheid laws, crushed political opposition, and maintained a regime built on fear and violence.

As Minister of Defence, Meyer was part of the political leadership overseeing the South African Defence Force (SADF), which was deeply implicated in cross-border destabilisation campaigns, regional wars, and internal repression. His involvement in the transition process in the 1990’s cannot be used to sanitise or erase his earlier role in upholding apartheid. It is important to recall that revolutionaries such as Chris Hani were never naïve about figures like Meyer. Hani consistently warned against romanticising members of the apartheid regime who suddenly rebranded themselves as democrats. He cautioned that individuals such as Roelf Meyer, along with other National Party operatives, had not fundamentally transformed their worldview, but were instead adapting in order to preserve white economic power under new political conditions.

It is therefore deeply offensive that the appointment of Roelf Meyer comes in the same period in which South Africa commemorates the assassination of Chris Hani. The EFF refuses to accept a situation where, in the shadow of Hani’s martyrdom, the democratic state elevates former apartheid functionaries into positions of international representation.

This contradiction exposes a government that has abandoned the revolutionary nature of our struggle and is now willing to rehabilitate those who once upheld oppression, in order to appease global powers.

At a time when the United States itself is grappling with entrenched racism and the resurgence of right-wing, white supremacist politics, South Africa should be asserting a bold, uncompromising anti-imperialist posture, not deploying individuals whose past aligns with systems of racial domination.

The EFF, therefore, firmly rejects the narrative that such an appointment represents “experience” or “stability.” Instead, it reflects a dangerous willingness by the current administration to appease Trump’s white supremacist whims by presenting a figure who is palatable to white power structures.

The EFF calls for the immediate withdrawal of this appointment, and for the selection of a representative who embodies the true revolutionary values of our country.

Post Views: 108

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The Communist Party of Swaziland (CPS) stands firm in its position against the invitation extended to the so-called president of Taiwan, whom we recognize as a separatist leader. We assert that such a figure is not welcome in Swaziland and that their presence undermines the principles of sovereignty and international diplomacy.

As we approach the 40th anniversary of Mswati's absolute rule, we express our deep concern over the celebration of a regime that has consistently undermined democracy in our region. This milestone is not a cause for celebration but rather a reminder of the ongoing struggles for democratic governance and human rights in Swaziland.

Reports indicate that Mswati is making desperate attempts to persuade Mozambique and South Africa to grant airspace for this illegitimate guest. This is not a matter of negotiation; it is an abuse of power aimed at sidestepping the fundamental principles of the One China policy and the UN resolutions regarding China's internal affairs.

We are also aware of an advance team comprised of military and police personnel from Taiwan, scheduled to arrive in Swaziland on April 14. It has come to our attention that this team has been granted access to Mozambique's airspace under misleading pretenses that they are a medical team, failing to disclose the nature of the prohibited equipment they are carrying.

We call upon the Southern African Development Community (SADC) to remain vigilant against Mswati’s manipulations. His actions pose a threat to the fragile stability of our region and risk turning Swaziland into a conduit for imperialist interests that sow discord and unrest.

The world is already grappling with the consequences of imperialist wars driven by greed and devastation. We cannot afford to allow any loose ends that could instigate further turmoil.

In light of these developments, we urge Mozambique and South Africa to stand firm and deny airspace to the Taiwan separatist leader as per Mswati’s instructions. Mswati’s celebration of 40 years of absolute monarchy, coupled with the invitation to the Taiwanese leader, constitutes a violation of peace and stability in our region.

Democracy leaders of the world must shun this disgrace celebration as a gesture of support to the struggle for democracy in Swaziland, observe the principles of democracy. The cause for democracy in Swaziland will soon win, our history will be written anew.

Forward to International Solidarity

Forward to Democracy in Swaziland

Forward ton the Republic of Swaziland

Down with separatists

Down with absolute monarchy

Down with Mswati dictatorship

Thokozane Kenneth Kunene

General Secretary

(+27)72 594 3971

Pius Vilakati

CPSInternational Secretary

+27 81 353 3383

Email: cpswa.org@gmail.com

Facebook: Communist Party Of Swaziland– CPS

X(formerly Twitter): @CPSwaziland

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Foreign & Nigerian govt complicity in this kind of organized crime is largely left out of this framework, but it's a good source

Expand article

Banditry as a profit seeking criminal activity has a long history in Northwest Nigeria. Cattle-rustling, kidnapping for ransom, armed robbery, extortion, looting… these are the economic activities that drive armed groups in Zamfara, Kaduna, and Katsina states. However, since 2011, the Nigerian state’s failure to mediate between Hausa farmers and Fulani pastoralists has exacerbated the crisis, allowing dissatisfaction to harden into ethnic defense groups that evolved into, or collaborated with, bandit formations. These groups have built an alternative economic system that extracts revenue through territorial control and systematic taxation. Current operations to tackle banditry and provide security for the inhabitants of the northwest have relied on kinetic military interventions, which have been a far cry to solving these security concerns.

Cattle theft as foundation

Around 2011, cattle-rustling was the most lucrative criminal activity available for some Fulani men. Northwest Nigeria is not wealthy. Cattle is finite. Villages are small, and environmental degradation and desertification due to climate change have damaged the region severely. Climate degradation as well as a lack of provisions for young men have exacerbated ethnic disputes between Hausa farmers, sedentary in nature, and Fulani nomadic pastoralists, who require moving their cattle through areas that are either degraded or have been converted into farms. This has left a large proportion of these men without stable means to make a living and eroded their traditional way of life.

The affected Fulani men, many with herding experience, and who knew the main forest routes used for herding, resorted to cattle rustling and early forms of banditry. They could handle stolen herds through rough terrain and avoid villages entirely. But bandit strategies evolved beyond simple theft. The targets may be nomadic, but the consistency of choosing them created stable revenue. This drove the transition from opportunistic raiding toward systematic extraction.

Bandits diversified into hybrid operations combining mobile predation with stationary territorial control. This shift reflects rational economic calculation, not cultural tradition or ethnic grievance. Early criminal governance structures appeared almost immediately. One of the rustling gang leaders, Buharin Daji from Zamfara mediated local disputes, filling a governance vacuum. Another one, Terwase Akwaza also known as Gana from Benue, built a school and granted scholarships, positioning himself as a community benefactor. But as insecurity became more profitable, different bandit groups specialised. The early legitimation efforts gave way to systematic resource extraction.

Mining, taxation and control

Dogo Gide exemplified this evolution. He controls illicit gold mining, cattle rustling, and kidnapping operations. Local miners pay protection fees in cash. Chinese miners reportedly pay in currency and weaponry since at least 2020. Late 2023, saw Dogo Gide’s group seize full control of mining sites in Kaduna, expelling all mining companies and working the mines themselves; signalling an evolution that goes beyond protection rackets to direct control of production.

Economic control is linked to social control. Bandit groups prohibit residents from sharing intelligence with security forces, while informants are embedded in communities to track potential threats. Traditional community leaders, through coercion or transaction, provide logistical support enabling concealment of movements. Some bandit leaders combine economic monopolies (levies on farming and mining) with control of transport services and movement restrictions. Villages under bandit control often face extortion and forced labour. Entire hamlets exist in which every aspect of daily life operates under direct bandit control. These are ‘captive populations’: communities held hostage to serve wealth extraction operations. Since rural areas sit far from state centres, and Fulani traditional life is nomadic, expectations of what the state should provide run lower than in cities. Financing water supply requires far more effort than collecting monthly taxes. This explains why bandit governance provisions remain minimal, reaching a ‘Nash equilibrium of governance’ – a stable arrangement where neither party seeks to change the status quo. By merging resource extraction with intelligence denial and local coercion, bandits have created zones where they extract revenue systematically while preventing outside interference.

Forests as infrastructure

Northwest Nigeria’s geography facilitates this model but does not cause it. Armed bandits live in ungoverned spaces where government presence is minimal or absent, using forest enclaves as hideouts. Forests like Kunduma, Falgore, and Kamuk shield armed bandits from state security interventions. Response times measure in hours. By then, attackers have vanished.

Speed and stealth through forests enables operational hybridity. Bandits maintain territorial strongholds where rudimentary governance supports itinerant looting operations. They conduct mobile attacks while extracting stationary revenues through territorial control. The contiguous nature of these forests offers ideal corridors for communications, logistics, and operations. Forest areas extend to Niger Republic, where border porosity enables transnational crime networks.

Collaboration networks

Banditry is not unified. It operates through fluid dynamics combined with shared ethnic background (primarily Fulani men) and shared grievances. Competition exists, but collaboration dominates. The structure adds to their resilience with fluid memberships; individuals work under different leaders at different times.

This allows groups to collaborate in self-defence, protecting each other from Hausa vigilante groups and state security forces. They affiliate or trade with other non-state armed groups such as Boko Haram, ISWAP, Ansaru, and, while no ideological connection is established, the collaboration operates as ‘functional synergy’, a pragmatic cooperation serving mutual economic and defensive interests. Intricate webs of collaboration, combined with fluid membership and close ethnic ties, allow bandits to coalesce when threatened while maintaining operational autonomy otherwise. Interconnected ungoverned forest areas offer discrete corridors and transnational crime links. These networks have cemented bandit groups into the ecosystem of violence and illicit profit across northwest Nigeria and beyond.

Why military responses fail

Vadim Volkov’s observation about post-Soviet Russia applies here: violence has transferred from the public sphere of the state into ‘the sphere of private entrepreneurship’. In northwest Nigeria, the security gap results from capacity gaps when the state is unable, or unwilling, to provide even minimal core public services. Five of the ten poorest states in Nigeria  are in the north and northwest regions, falling behind on key governance indicators such as capacity for Internally Generated Revenue, infrastructural development, literacy levels, and security.

Governance emerges from commercial necessities. Stable operating environments, reliable revenue streams, and local acquiescence all serve to sustain illicit activities. Military solutions alone cannot dismantle systems that have achieved equilibrium with local populations. Effective responses must address underlying capacity gaps that create profit opportunities for violent entrepreneurship while acknowledging the governance functions these groups now provide.

Years of counterinsurgency operations have failed because they treat bandits as simple criminals to be defeated militarily. But bandits are entrenched governance providers operating within a rational political economy. Understanding them as profit-seeking actors who leverage spatial advantages to entrench extractive economic systems reveals the fundamental flaw in current responses. Military operations ignore the economic logics that sustain these groups and the governance arrangements that protect illicit revenues. You cannot defeat an economic system with air strikes alone.

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submitted 1 week ago* (last edited 1 week ago) by cenarius@lemmygrad.ml to c/africa@lemmygrad.ml

[2026-04-13] @cecild84 (Sahel Revolutionary Soldier): 🇳🇪🇳🇪Niger: The country is using a state-of-the-art system acquired from #Russia to strengthen its air defenses.

Niger has since Wednesday, April 10, 2024 received a state-of-the-art anti-aircraft defense system acquired as part of military cooperation with Russia's the federation.

It is hoped that the system – whose details have not been disclosed – will enable Niger to strengthen its capacity to protect its airspace against air threats, including drones and fighter jets.

The military equipment of this system arrived in Niamey, with the participation of 100 Russian military instructors who will install and train the Nigerian military to use it. This training will help the Nigerian Armed Forces gain total mastery of the system's capabilities and utilize them optimally to ensure security of the country.

The procurement of this anti-aircraft defence system is a key element in the modernization of the Nigerian armed forces and diversification of its partners in the field of military cooperation. Niger faces many security challenges, particularly the terrorist threat in the Sahel region and all kinds of traffic. It is imperative for the country to strengthen its air defence capabilities. > This strengthening of military cooperation between Niger and Russia is a sign of the importance the two countries place to security and stability in the Sahel region.

image is illustrative.

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[2026-04-15] @cecild84 (Sahel Revolutionary Soldier): The African Atlantic Gas Pipeline project between Morocco 🇲🇦 and Nigeria 🇳🇬 is moving forward, with an intergovernmental agreement expected to be signed this year.

The $25 billion project aims to transport natural gas from Nigeria along the Atlantic coast to Morocco, with the option of supplying West Africa and exporting to Europe.

It is one of Africa’s largest planned energy infrastructure projects, and feasibility studies have already been completed, while financing and construction plans are still being finalized.

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The Alliance of Sahel States (AES) is witnessing the early fruits of its ambitious drive toward deeper economic integration, as member nations accelerate the creation of a genuine confederation economic space. Faced with historically low levels of intra‑regional trade, the bloc has taken decisive steps to harmonise commercial policies, facilitate the free movement of goods and people, and strengthen the private sector.

Among the concrete advances reported are the establishment of an Alliance of Chambers of Commerce and Industry of the AES, as well as agricultural agreements between the member states’ grain boards. These measures are designed to unlock the region’s economic potential by valuing complementarities and building endogenous growth, according to officials.

The move represents a sovereign choice to break away from neo‑colonial patterns that have long kept Sahelian nations divided and dependent on external partners. By prioritising regional value chains and mutual investment, the AES aims to create a resilient economic bloc that serves the interests of its people.

The AES is writing a new page in history, one of genuine integration that serves the people and economic sovereignty, a statement from the alliance read. The future belongs to us.

With the Sahel region facing security and development challenges, the push for economic unity is seen as a strategic pillar for long‑term stability. Observers note that sustained implementation of these policies will be key to transforming commitments into lasting prosperity.

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On the occasion of the first anniversary of the Popular Progressive Revolution (RPP), the President of Burkina Faso, Captain Ibrahim Traoré, granted an interview to the national and international press. During this exchange, which lasted more than two hours, the Head of State presented a frank assessment of his governance, focusing on territorial reconquest, military independence, and economic restructuring.

The first part of this interview focused on security. Captain Traoré stated that the Burkinabe army has now regained the initiative in the fight against terrorist groups.

He specifically mentioned the recapture of localities such as Pétégoli in the North, or Nadiagou in the East, areas formerly protected by the enemy.

The major shift, however, lies in the method. Burkina Faso has ended military training provided by Western powers. " Today, everything is homegrown ," the president emphasized, specifying that Burkinabe citizens now design the tactics and train the troops based on the realities on the ground.

This increase in power is accompanied by a significant decrease in the number of Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs), which has fallen from two million to less than one million thanks to ongoing resettlements.

On the economic front, Burkina Faso has reached historic highs by mobilizing more than 2,300 billion FCFA of own resources in 2025. This performance is attributed to the courageous reforms carried out within the financial authorities and to a fierce fight against corruption, illustrated by the media coverage of the "KORAG cameras".

Captain Traoré also outlined his industrial ambitions under the slogan "My plate, my pride." The objective is clear: to produce, process, and consume locally. The country is investing heavily in wheat production to eliminate flour imports, as well as in the processing of Burkinabe cotton.

To guarantee its financial sovereignty in the face of international blockages, the State is now building up strategic gold reserves, used as a currency.

The President reiterated his categorical rejection of Western democracy, which he considers ill-suited and deadly for African peoples, citing the chaos in Libya as an example. He advocates a Burkinabè model where traditional chieftaincy regains a central role in social mediation and local justice, while remaining strictly detached from partisan political maneuvering.

Furthermore, a new law on religious freedoms aims to regulate sermons to prevent extremist indoctrination. " We need a single document so that everyone can preach the same thing " to defuse terrorist rhetoric, he explained.

At the confederal level, Burkina Faso's presidency of the AES prioritizes the establishment of a powerful and autonomous armed force capable of intervening throughout the Sahel region. Captain Traoré also called for genuine integration to eliminate administrative hurdles at the borders.

Regarding international relations, the president praised Togo as a "brother country" for its support during crises. As for Russia, he stated that it is a strategic partner for equipment, but emphasized that no foreign soldiers are fighting on Burkinabe soil. " It is Burkinabe soldiers who are fighting and retaking our land ," he declared.

In conclusion, Captain Traoré made a passionate appeal to African youth, urging them to abandon the trivialities of social media and dedicate themselves to science and technology. " Everyone has a brain. Let's believe in ourselves, it's possible ," he declared, advocating for a genuine " mental decolonization " essential to Africa's development.

Here are some quotes from the President of Burkina Faso on April 2, 2026:

Sovereignty, independence and political vision

“Today, everything is homegrown. It is Burkinabe people who design the programs, based on feedback from the field, and who train the people.”

"You are in the country that today champions national sovereignty and total independence."

"This has to stop now; people need to stop behaving as if we were still living in colonial times."

"Here, we are freer than they are. Much freer."

Critique of the international system and democracy

"Democracy kills. Everywhere they try to impose it in the world, it's in blood."

"Democracy is slavery. There is no democracy in this world. They impose it when they want, and to establish it, they kill."

"Imperialism is when an individual wants to dominate another, keep them enslaved, and oppress them."

African pride and identity consciousness

"The African is not subhuman."

"But why can't the Black man realize that he too can develop tactics?"

"Everyone has a brain. Let's believe in ourselves, it's possible."

Autonomy, revolution and collective responsibility

"Rely on yourselves first. That's the mentality of the revolution."

“No one will come to fight for us. That’s intrinsic to us, Burkinabè.”

"If you want to show us that you don't respect us, we'll set you aside and move on."

War, defense, and a fighting mentality

"We train ourselves in the art of war, based on our experiences. This shapes the mindset of our human resources."

"When a soldier, when a fighter surpasses himself, it changes the course of the war."

"If someone pushes us to the limit for our country, there's nothing we can do: we will go to war. And when it starts, nobody knows how it will end."

Economy, production and endogenous development

"We don't want to see our people in misery. We may not have oil, but we have gold, and we're going to exploit what gold can do."

"Let's consume what we produce. Our land is rich, our farmers are brave. Let's produce, process, and consume."

"We must become ourselves again and take responsibility for what we produce. Only then will we endure."

The Role of Elites and Intellectual Consciousness

"An intellectual is first and foremost someone who is capable of understanding what we want to do."

Source for the summary -> https://burkina24.com/2026/04/03/revolution-au-burkina-faso-le-capitaine-ibrahim-traore-reaffirme-une-strategie-100-souveraine/

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submitted 2 weeks ago by yogthos@lemmygrad.ml to c/africa@lemmygrad.ml
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On Wednesday, March 25, 2026, Joseph Ki-Zerbo University hosted the unique doctoral thesis defense in African History by Éric Zongo. The candidate brilliantly defended his work before an international jury, obtaining the distinction "very honorable".

Entitled "Partnerships for development in Africa: the case of Burkina Faso with the states of the Indo-Pacific Asia (Japan, China and India) 1993-2022", this research is part of a dynamic analysis of international cooperation and its impact on the development of Burkina Faso.

Before a jury of five members gathered at the Doctoral School of Letters, Human Sciences and Communication (ED/LE.SH.CO), the candidate presented an in-depth study aimed at tracing, from a historical perspective, the contribution of Japan, China and India to the socio-economic development of the country.

“ It is an honor for me to be awarded a doctorate. In this study, we examined, from a historical perspective, the contribution of these three countries to the development of Burkina Faso ,” said Eric Zongo after his defense.

The 460-page document, the result of several years of research, highlights the diversification of Burkina Faso's partners as a strategic lever for its development. The findings show that each of these countries intervenes in specific sectors.

" In cooperation, each country contributes in its own way: Japan in educational infrastructure and humanitarian aid, China in health, security and industrialization, and India in vocational training ," the new doctor explained.

The jury praised the scientific quality of the work as well as its relevance in the current context of redefining international partnerships.

According to the chairman of the jury, Professor Yacouba Zerbo, "this thesis contributes to strengthening knowledge about the relations between Burkina Faso and its partners, particularly those in Asia."

Through this research, Éric Zongo sheds new light on the dynamics of South-South cooperation and their role in the economic and social transformation of Burkina Faso.

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submitted 4 weeks ago* (last edited 4 weeks ago) by rainpizza@lemmygrad.ml to c/africa@lemmygrad.ml

In a stunning development, the United States Embassy in Nigeria has established a direct coordination framework with the Office of the National Security Adviser to monitor the social media activities of Nigerian citizens, directly recommending individuals for arrest and prosecution based on their online criticism of Israel and the United States. Under this framework, exclusively revealed to Sovereign Media, two Nigerian social media users, Sani Buhari and Abubakar Adamu, were recently arrested by the Department of State Security Services (DSS) and charged in court for posts on X that were critical of Israel's genocide in Palestine, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, and US president Donald Trump. Buhari was eventually released, but only after posting a clearly forced apology to the US Embassy on his X handle by the DSS, while Adamu remains in custody.

Since Bola Ahmed Tinubu took power in Nigeria in 2023, West Africa's erstwhile regional pillar, whose foreign policy still officially follows an "Africa First" doctrine, has increasingly begun operating as a satellite extension of western powers, including France and the US. For example, in December 2025, during a coup attempt in Benin, Tinubu deployed Nigerian air and ground forces to quell the attempt on the orders of French president Emmanuel Macron.

The escalating pattern of policy decisions and geopolitical moves locking Nigeria into multiple security partnerships with western governments is raising the real possibility of the country being retrofitted into a vassal state without the ability to set its own internal security priorities, with foreign interests dictating what its citizens are allowed to say. If Nigeria's compromised foreign policy posture is not addressed quickly, Africa could see one of its most important countries abandon its historic role as a pillar of Pan-African support and turn into the continent's most dangerous vassal state.

Video link -> https://video.twimg.com/amplify_video/2037248711294935042/vid/avc1/1080x1920/X0E9kQTQqKHPLAKq.mp4

Source -> https://xcancel.com/sov_media/status/2037249214212694061#m

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submitted 1 month ago* (last edited 1 month ago) by Pierre121000@lemmy.ml to c/africa@lemmygrad.ml

From https://www.nytimes.com/2026/03/16/health/zambia-hiv-aid-minerals-trump.html

Simon Mwansa Kapwepwe was Zambia's vice-president from 1967 to 1970, he was a childhood friend of Kenneth Kaunda and fought with him for independence, before opposing him in 1971 and being thrown in jail...
1000024659
Back then he talked about Zambia's copper, while it's now more about cobalt and lithium the situation hasn't changed.

Beyond the usual goal of exploiting the third world, the u.s. also aim to contain/isolate China :

(If the video player doesn't work : https://files.catbox.moe/yg92ph.mp4)

The next step would be sanctions i suppose, the empire does what empires do.

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According to metal construction engineer Daniel Nassa, Burkina Faso cannot succeed in its industrial endeavors without complete control over the construction of its own factories. In an interview with Burkina24, this expert, trained in Germany and France, argues for a break with dependence on imported industrial infrastructure and for greater development of local skills.

Daniel Nassa's assessment is unequivocal. Industrialization cannot succeed without technical mastery of industrial construction. He is particularly concerned to see the country moving towards a model where factories are designed and manufactured abroad before simply being assembled locally.

According to him, this trend risks transforming Burkina Faso into a mere consumer of industrial infrastructure, with a negative impact on skilled employment. In the long run, he warns, the country could end up with only technicians responsible for assembly, without engineers capable of designing industrial facilities.

“ The problem isn’t the finished product, but the elements necessary for that product to exist, ” the engineer emphasizes. At the heart of this thinking, the metal structure occupies a strategic position. Daniel Nassa describes it as a “master” material, due to its lightness, modularity, and ability to adapt to the evolution of industrial infrastructures.

However, he highlights a notable difference with German industrial culture. In Germany, he explains, quality is a non-negotiable requirement, whereas in Burkina Faso, technical decisions are often dictated primarily by budgetary constraints.

According to the expert, national actors must develop a genuine "technical pride", consisting of adapting modern technologies to the climatic, economic and normative realities of the country.

The engineer also mentions several obstacles to industrialization. He cites in particular the state of certain industrial zones, such as Kossodo, where basic infrastructure remains insufficient.

According to him, the taxes paid by industrialists should be reinvested in the development and infrastructure of these areas in order to improve the conditions for businesses to set up operations.

From an administrative standpoint, he also considers it inappropriate for a factory to follow the same procedures as a residential building permit. He believes that bureaucratic red tape and land disputes are obstacles that hinder industrial investment.

To support the current momentum of industrialization, Daniel Nassa proposes three priority actions. First, establish specialized service points for industrial projects to expedite procedures and facilitate tax exemptions. Second, reduce interest rates and foster close collaboration between banks, investors, and engineering firms to ensure the technical soundness of funded projects.

Secondly, strengthen the protection and promotion of local experts so that trained engineers can find opportunities within the country.

Finally, the engineer points out that industrialization relies first and foremost on human skills. For him, while the agri-food sector remains strategic for Burkina Faso, the country's true wealth lies in its human resources.

" It is not wealth that makes the man, it is the man who makes wealth, " he concluded, calling on the authorities to place training and skills development at the heart of the national industrial strategy.

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