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submitted 2 weeks ago by mouseirl@lemmy.ml to c/anarchism@hexbear.net
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I'm having a hard time finding a discord server where I could engage in real-time discussions around anarchism. I have a lot of questions and I prefer to learn by asking people questions directly. I've read the anarchyfaqs (skimmed) and some more, but need a place to ask all my little and big questions.

Please let me know. Most servers I find seem dead, 2 of the 3 I was in kicked me for saying 9/11 was an inside job ;-;.

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Caltrop posting (thelemmy.club)
submitted 4 weeks ago by plinky@hexbear.net to c/anarchism@hexbear.net
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submitted 1 month ago by plinky@hexbear.net to c/anarchism@hexbear.net

For our full communiqué and more videos/images which are free to distribute, see our website: earthquakefaction.net

Updates on Telegram at t.me/earthquake_faction”

linky to calla twitter source

(obviously don't go to those websites without at least vpn or tor)

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submitted 1 month ago* (last edited 1 month ago) by Sabbo@hexbear.net to c/anarchism@hexbear.net

Context: a broken step is someone or something within your community which only the locals know to avoid.

Suppose we have a confederation, and someone within the confederation is accused of being dangerous to others in some way. If we kick them out then what stops them from going somewhere else and repeating the pattern? Or coming back for revenge? Or, Stirner Forbid, they're innocent? And even if they are dangerous, is that any reason to turn them away? We make considerations when it comes to wolves and cacti but draw the line at cousins? But they could hurt the community... you see my dilemma.

Edit: this is not a hypothetical, but I don't want to get into details. We're not going to beat anyone up because we can't confirm anything actually happened.

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submitted 1 month ago by Sabbo@hexbear.net to c/anarchism@hexbear.net
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submitted 1 month ago by plinky@hexbear.net to c/anarchism@hexbear.net
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submitted 2 months ago* (last edited 2 months ago) by thelastaxolotl@hexbear.net to c/anarchism@hexbear.net

cross-posted from: https://news.abolish.capital/post/24355

Politics:

Anarchism

History:

2022: Russo-Ukrainian War

Facts:

Books, art and culture

Publications:

Revolutionary Perspectives

(Alex Alder and Bill Beech (eds.), Their Wars – Our Dead: Anarchist Reflections on Anti-Militarism (2025, PM Press), · Since the war in Ukraine, the anarchist movement in the UK and elsewhere has split on the question of internationalism. The authors of this book are in the internationalist camp and have published it in order to make their views known. As internationalists, we welcome this effort by our comrades. The authors state they do not wish to simply rehash the debates of the last three years but want "to reflect on the place of anarchism in anti-militarism historically, and at present moment" (p.6) and seek "to learn from the past in order to figure out a revolutionary yet realistic course of anarchist anti-militarism today". (p.25)

The six authors are based in Ireland, Scotland, Wales, and England. They have been or continue to be members of organisations such as the Anarchist Communist Group (ACG), Solidarity Federation (SolFed), Organise!, or the AnarCom Network (ACN). Some of them are known to us and have participated in the No War but the Class War (NWBCW) initiative.(1)

The authors of the introduction, Alex Alder and Bill Beech, summarise how, following the war in Ukraine, anarchists in Great Britain caught war fever.(2) That so many anarchists succumbed to warmongering is due to the weakness of both the anarchist current and the workers' movement in general. Some pro-war anarchists acknowledge this weakness and in fact use it as an argument in favour of compromising with the ruling class. Some anarchists' enthusiasm for Corbynism is also seen as a precursor to the falling in line with warmongering.(3) It should be noted this is also found outside the UK, with anarchists backing Mélenchon's party in France for example.


From Leftcom via This RSS Feed.

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cross-posted from: https://news.abolish.capital/post/23895

Autonomy in Practice: Permanent Vigil’s and Sacred Fires

On the same day community members gathered to grieve the killing of Renee Good at the hands of an ICE agent in Minneapolis, something shifted in downtown Portland, Oregon. What began as a vigil and flag burning across from the federal courthouse transformed, almost organically, into an autonomous zone that held space through the night and reignited a conversation many people have been having quietly for months: What if mourning isn’t enough? What if we actually hold ground?

“What started as a permanent vigil just… grew,” one participant said. “People had yarn in their pockets and wrapped it around a corner of the park, and that became the seeds for the first barricade. Then folks were like, fuck it, and started dragging street barricades over. It all snowballed from there.”

Autonomy in Practice: Permanent Vigil’s and Sacred Fires

Earlier that evening, a large rally had taken place at City Hall, organized by groups including DSA. Like many mass demonstrations, it drew a crowd, delivered speeches, and then… ended after an hour. People began to disperse. And as they did, frustration was audible.

“There were people literally walking away saying, ‘That’s it? That’s all we’re gonna fucking do?’” they recalled. “A lot of those same people ended up coming over where the flags were burning.”

Just a block away, others had already begun something different. A vigil was forming in Chapman Square, a park across the street from the federal courthouse. American flags were burned in protest. Candles and offerings appeared. Yarn was strung around a corner of the park, a small, almost symbolic boundary.

Then people who had just left the larger rally started walking over. They didn’t just watch. They joined.

More makeshift barriers appeared. Street materials were dragged into place. What had been described as a vigil quickly became a defended space. Not through a centralized call, but through a shared feeling: we can’t just march, go home, and wait for the next tragedy to listen to all the same speeches again.

Autonomy in Practice: Permanent Vigil’s and Sacred Fires

Autonomy in Practice: Permanent Vigil’s and Sacred Fires

Autonomy in Practice: Permanent Vigil’s and Sacred Fires

photos from the permanent vigil

“It was a rebellion,” they said. “Not just about Renee. It was about everything that led to her murder. It was people saying, we’re done responding passively.

While Renee Good’s murder was the immediate spark, participants say the space was about more than a single event. It was about the cycle people are exhausted by… outrage, march, speeches, dispersal, repeat. All while the systems responsible for this violence remain untouched.

This time, instead of dispersing, people stayed.

Indigenous community members played a central role in establishing a sacred fire at the site, grounding the space in ceremony, remembrance, and resistance. People said this was also a way to honor earlier anti-ICE organizing that began in Portland in January 2025, when Indigenous community members held weekly sacred fires outside the ICE facility long before summer crowds grew.

That history often gets erased. This space made it visible again. “This was about honoring the people who paved the way.”

“It set an amazing tone,” the participant said. “You had Indigenous community members who don’t just show up when something’s trending. Their whole existence is resisting settler colonialism. Being in space with that guidance changed how people understood what we were doing.”

Autonomy in Practice: Permanent Vigil’s and Sacred Fires

Autonomy in Practice: Permanent Vigil’s and Sacred Fires

Autonomy in Practice: Permanent Vigil’s and Sacred Fires

Photos of barricades at the vigil

The fire burned from around 8:30 p.m. until roughly 10 a.m. the next morning, the sacred fire burned for about 14 hours before police moved in at a moment when many supporters had gone to provide court support elsewhere. Participants say the timing was deliberate.

But it didn’t end there.

On January 9th, a few days after Good was murdered by ICE, Border Patrol shot Luis David Nino-Moncada and Yorlenys Betzabeth Zambrano-Contreras, a Venezuelan couple in Portland, Oregon. The sacred fire returned, this time in a location chosen with sharper political symbolism. The new site sat within view of the county jail (often called the “(in)Justice Center”), the federal courthouse, and City Hall.

“These institutions claim to represent justice. The fire was there to say otherwise.”

The second gathering expanded beyond vigil into political education and open discussion. People spoke not only about grief, but about responsibility, naming City Hall’s role in permitting the ICE facility, the courts’ role in deportation pipelines, and the broader illusion that these institutions are neutral.

“This time it was way more intentional,” the participant said. “The sacred fire represents truth. And it was surrounded by institutions of lies.”

At one point late in the night, a small group of right-wing agitators drove by and attempted to provoke people at the fire. Those present faced a choice: extinguish the fire to prevent harassment, or hold their ground.

They chose to stay.

The agitators eventually left. The fire kept burning.

Autonomy in Practice: Permanent Vigil’s and Sacred Fires

For those there, the moment was symbolic of something larger: when people remain rooted together, especially under Indigenous guidance and ceremony, intimidation loses some of its power.

Participants drew connections between the autonomous zone and other forms of repression in Portland, especially police harassment of mutual aid groups and community resource distros. In those cases, simply feeding people or existing in shared public space has drawn heavy police presence and legal threats.

To many involved, the message from the state is clear:
Autonomy itself is what’s criminalized.

In that context, defending a vigil, holding a sacred fire, and refusing to disperse becomes more than symbolic. It becomes a direct challenge to who is allowed to occupy land, make decisions, and care for community outside state control.

Both nights of the autonomous space coincided with other actions happening across Portland, including large demonstrations at the ICE facility. With multiple events unfolding at once, police resources were stretched thin. Participants say that mattered.

It was a reminder of an old movement lesson: authorities can easily manage one large, predictable protest. They struggle when resistance becomes decentralized, simultaneous, and self-directed.

People came to mourn Renee Good. They stayed because mourning alone felt like surrender.

What emerged downtown wasn’t a perfectly planned occupation or a pre-announced autonomous zone. It was something messier and more alive: a community deciding, in real time, not to go home.

And in that decision, to hold a fire, to defend space, to gather under Indigenous guidance, to speak openly about the failures of local institutions, many participants say they glimpsed something that felt less like protest and more like practice.

Not just responding to violence.
But rehearsing a world beyond it.

Autonomy in Practice: Permanent Vigil’s and Sacred Fires

Autonomy in Practice: Permanent Vigil’s and Sacred Fires


From We Will Free Us via This RSS Feed.

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submitted 2 months ago by Sabbo@hexbear.net to c/anarchism@hexbear.net

I've thought about this for a while now. I was thinking of getting a food truck then just giving away food and taking donations. If the cops come and say move I can pull down the block. Disaster requires help I can show up and hand out stuff.

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TotW: Meaningful OpSec (www.anarchistnews.org)

cross-posted from: https://news.abolish.capital/post/22689

TotW: Meaningful OpSec thecollective Sun, 01/25/2026 - 08:00

MEANINGFUL OPSEC; OR, NOW, YOU DON’T HAVE A PERSONAL FBI AGENT

I’ve been considering operational security and security culture a lot since the Turtle Island Liberation Front (TILF) case broke. For such a small group, about seven people, two were feds (well, one was a paid informant, the other was an FBI agent).

I am reminded of the joke myth of a CPUSA meeting that a federal infiltrator attends in order to arrest the attendees. Then all the other members are also feds. Cue the laugh track.

Despite the colossal fuck-up of being infiltrated, TILF had a plan that seemed based in strong Opsec. From The United States District Court For The Central District Of California: “The plan described multiple operational security measures the co-conspirators should take to conceal their identities, such as the use of a burner phone that would be disposed of after the bombings by ‘submerging it in a concrete brick after destroying the sim and then disposing of the brick in a body of water.’” and: the use of ‘BlacBloc’ overtop of a layer of ‘grey/casual bloc’ on top of normal street clothes, and noted to keep hair very tightly concealed and to wear gloves for the purpose of avoidance of leaving behind DNA” further: “participants should leave their personal devices at home and to make sure the devices were set up to stream a long movie during the time of the attacks, so as to craft an alibi.” Even a pebble in the show to alter their walking and material acquisition advice to avoid suspicion, were discussed.

A question I am stuck on is how can you have thought through these particular aspects of prep work and on the ground Opsec and allow yourself to be infiltrated by two Feds? As a friend said, “Because their security was missing the trees for the forest.”

From CrimethInc’s “What is Security Culture?” The difference between protocol and culture is that culture becomes unconscious, instinctive, and thus effortless; once the safest possible behavior has become habitual for everyone in the circles in which you travel, you can spend less time and energy emphasizing the need for it, or suffering the consequences of not having it, or worrying about how much danger you’re in, as you’ll know you’re already doing everything you can to be careful. It seems, from what is available, TILF had strong protocols for their “Operation Midnight Sun,” but not a real culture to develop secure, safe relationships to avoid infiltration. They posted calls for direct action and revolution on social media, one that was easily connected to a member of TILF (and thus, the radical section that sought to do the attack). They let relatively new people into the plan: the informant and later the FBI agent. The difference in attitudes about security by the same people is striking.

By having a strong focus (and in the case of TILF, reasonable ones in regards to the plan) on only some parts of Security Culture and not a whole picture, you leave gaps in the culture. For most people, this is “well, the feds are watching” and thus their security culture centers that primary concern, as opposed to it being part of a wider network of concerns. And let us be real: most of us do not have the feds particularly watching our actions or groupings, outside of the concerns of a general surveillance state. This all comes at the expense of, say, local cops, right-wing agitators, or the common person who may overhear or see something they shouldn’t.

So, while TILF did have personal FBI agents inside their network, it was because of a failure of their security culture leading up to that point. Had it been a stronger culture, maybe “Operation Midnight Sun” would have been another CNN news segment we’d forget by the next day.

Questions

What security concerns do you find are most overlooked in anarchist circles? What about overdone?

How are security concerns changing in light of the development of companies like Flock Safety, Oracle and Palantir?

What are ways security culture and protocols change between anarchist groupings, particularly those separated by geography? (Say, in different cities or countries)

From anarchistnews.org - We create the anarchy we want in the world via This RSS Feed.

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cross-posted from: https://news.abolish.capital/post/22631

Minneapolis Responds to the Murder of Alex Pretti thecollective Sun, 01/25/2026 - 03:23


From anarchistnews.org - We create the anarchy we want in the world via This RSS Feed.

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cross-posted from: https://news.abolish.capital/post/19473

Two Forgotten Historians of American Anarchism thecollective Tue, 01/13/2026 - 04:07


From anarchistnews.org - We create the anarchy we want in the world via This RSS Feed.

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cross-posted from: https://news.abolish.capital/post/18869

The Political Repression and Resistance of Eloxochitlán de Flores Magón, Oaxaca thecollective Sat, 01/10/2026 - 06:50

This week, an interview we just conducted with Madeleine Wattenbarger and Axel Hernández of the Cooperativa de Periodismo in Mexico and Ambar Ruiz of Radio Zapote about the case of autonomous resistance and repression in the Mazateca community of Eloxochitlán de Flores Magón in Oaxaca, Mexico, so named for being the birthplace of the Cipriano Ricardo Flores Magón, revolutionary Mexican anarchist who was murdered by medical neglect by the US prison system in 1922 (check out our 2022 episode on the history).

We talk about the rise to economic and political power of the family of Manuel Zepeda and his daughter Elena, their weaponization of the judiciary against community defenders resisting a hijacking in 2014 of the traditional community assembly and the years of organizing by Mazateca women whose loved ones face long prison sentences. We also speak about the case of Miguel Peralta, a Mazateca anarchist challenging his 5 decade sentence related to this case, as well as the recent murder by medical neglect while in prison of militant anarcho-punk Yorch Esquivel at the hands of the Mexican state at the behest of UNAM.

From anarchistnews.org - We create the anarchy we want in the world via This RSS Feed.

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cross-posted from: https://news.abolish.capital/post/18867

Iranian anarchists: Uprising is “genuine self-organisation by ordinary people” thecollective Sat, 01/10/2026 - 06:43


From anarchistnews.org - We create the anarchy we want in the world via This RSS Feed.

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cross-posted from: https://lemmy.sdf.org/post/48741557

Finally some good fucking news 🏴🏴🏴

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submitted 3 months ago* (last edited 3 months ago) by Sabbo@hexbear.net to c/anarchism@hexbear.net

Edit: I updated the title per suggestions.

Edit: I apologize for snapping at people in the comments. I was arguing with someone earlier today and bad habits make preventable mistakes. I'll do better.

I deliberately didn't talk about the current events going on in Iran with the justification that a) I'm not from there b) I don't know enough. But this article takes some concepts I thought I knew and spits them back at me.

I kept quiet about Israel for a long time because I was afraid of being called a bigot, and I will regret that until I die. So why am I suddenly willing to do this again when it comes to Iran? Because some of their interests align with mine? Because I'm afraid of pissing off reactionaries even within leftist spaces and then losing access to them?

What sort of Anarchist, leftist, or being capable of empathy would I be if I remain silent when I know something is wrong.

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cross-posted from: https://news.abolish.capital/post/16418

This statement was prepared and signed by member organizations of the Latin American Anarchist Coordination – Coordinación Anarquista LatinoAmerica (CALA). Black Rose/Rosa Negra (BRRN) was invited to sign the statement as a sibling organization.


The Latin American Anarchist Coordination and sibling organizations condemn the threats of direct intervention in Venezuela by the US government, driven by the Trump administration.

These attempts and threats of intervention are not isolated incidents, nor are they a temporary response to alleged problems of “security,” “drug trafficking,” or “terrorism.” On the contrary, they are part of a long history of imperial interference in Latin America and the Caribbean, the effects of which have systematically fallen on the oppressed peoples and classes of the region.

The story is well known: every time the United States has invoked these pretexts, the result has been social devastation, loss of sovereignty, and violence. Panama in 1989, Iraq in 2003, and multiple interventions in our region show that this is not about “defending democracy,” but rather about political, military, and economic control. In the case of Venezuela, these threats come on top of more than a decade of economic blockade that has hit the daily lives of the people hard, deepening shortages, precariousness, and the deterioration of material conditions of existence.

In this respect, it is essential to emphasize that imperialist aggression does not punish ruling elites, but instead falls directly on the popular sectors. Blockades, sanctions, military intimidation, and financial suffocation are not “surgical” tools: they are mechanisms of economic warfare that seek to break the resistance of an entire people, discipline them, and force them to accept a subordinating order.

A recent and striking example of this logic is the act of piracy and blatant theft of a Venezuelan oil tanker by armed US military personnel, which was detained and appropriated under the protection of unilateral sanctions. Beyond the legal technicalities with which Washington attempts to justify these actions, what is evident is an exercise in modern piracy: the use of military, judicial, and financial power to appropriate resources. This is not only an attack on the Venezuelan state, but also a direct aggression against the people, because every shipment seized, every asset retained, and every property confiscated deepens the living conditions imposed by the blockade.

What’s more, their disregard for the lives of the people is evident in the absolute ease with which they launched explosives at fishing boats off the Venezuelan coast, taking away not only those people’s livelihoods, but also their lives and their right to defend themselves against unproven accusations. The massacre was televised and celebrated by those at the top.

These types of actions clearly reveal what the “international order” defended by the United States means today: a system in which major powers arrogate to themselves the right to decide who can trade, who can produce, and who deserves to be punished. International law is selective, flexible for allies, and brutally rigid for those who do not submit. In this context, the seizure of ships, the freezing of assets, and economic sanctions function as weapons of war, even though they are presented as administrative measures.

The recent awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize to María Corina Machado follows the same logic of cynicism and double standards. These types of awards do not express universal values, but rather geopolitical alignments. Far from representing a genuine defense of the rights of the Venezuelan people, this recognition operates as a political gesture by imperial powers toward a leader who has openly endorsed sanctions, economic blockades, and threats of intervention. The Venezuelan right wing, far from offering a way out for the working classes, thus presents itself as a necessary partner in a strategy that deepens social suffering and dependence.

The explicit reappearance of the Monroe Doctrine in recent US government documents and statements only confirms this course of action. The old slogan “America for Americans” — that is, for Washington’s interests — is once again being asserted without euphemisms, reinstating the idea of Latin America as a natural zone of domination. This threatens not only Venezuela, but all the peoples of the continent, by legitimizing interventions, economic pressure, coups d’état, and the forced alignment of governments that stray from imperial interests. A prime example of this has been the Trump administration’s unprecedented intervention in Argentina in recent months, specifically in domestic economic policy, the foreign exchange market, and even the electoral process, giving a sudden boost to Milei’s government.

In the current context, the United States is no longer an unchallenged power, but it remains a central player in a world order based on violence, plunder, and imposition. Its growing aggressiveness also reflects its own internal crises and its need to reaffirm its control over strategic territories rich in oil, minerals, water, and biodiversity. Latin America, once again, appears as the spoils and rear guard of an imperial project that remains deeply dangerous.

Defending people’s self-determination—dominated, exploited, and oppressed classes within so-called “national” contexts—does not imply idealizing governments or denying internal contradictions inherent in the Venezuelan process, of which we are critical, but rather rejecting foreign intervention outright and affirming the right of every dominated, exploited, and oppressed class to fight for the improvement of their destiny without threats, blockades, or occupations. In this sense, we affirm that organization in the face of this situation cannot come from above or be delegated to state structures, but can only be built from below, through popular organization and the direct participation of those who sustain daily life under conditions of siege.

The case of the looted ship, like the economic blockade as a whole, shows that imperialism does not seek to “correct” governments, but rather to subjugate entire peoples through hunger, isolation, and collective punishment.

In Venezuela, as in the rest of Latin America, even amid the difficulties caused by bureaucratization, limitations, and tensions with the state that tend to weaken grassroots organization; communes, territorial spaces, and forms of popular organization sustain daily material and social resistance in the face of the blockade, shortages, and imperialist aggression.

Our struggle goes beyond the borders imposed by states and unites us with all oppressed classes. The imperialist government of the North has taken a xenophobic, racist, and persecutory stance toward migrant communities within its territory. The attack on Venezuela is ideologically based on the racism that is inherent in the US state—as in other states—and that radiates internally and externally in favor of the dominant classes of that country.

In the face of this offensive, as anarchists we denounce the US government and maintain that the solution will not come from stronger states or disputes between powers, nor from the so-called international organizations created by and for states, but from the construction of a strong people, organized from below, with political independence and a real capacity to contest power.

The history of Latin America shows that every advance of imperialism has encountered resistance even in adverse conditions. This sustains dignity and the capacity for a collective response. It is the material basis of popular power from below.

In the face of imperialism neutrality is not possible. Either you are on the side of domination, plunder, and war, or you are on the side of the oppressed.

Our commitment is long-term but clear: to strengthen popular organization, deepen resistance, and build from below an emancipatory horizon for the oppressed classes of the world.

Imperialism will not pass!

Long live those who fight!

Coordinación Anarquista Latinoamerica (CALA)

  • Federación Anarquista Uruguaya (FAU) – Uruguay
  • Federación Anarquista Santiago (FAS) – Chile
  • Coordenação Anarquista Brasileira (CAB) – Brazil
  • Federación Anarquista Rosario (FAR) – Argentina
  • Organización Anarquista Resistencia (OAR) – Argentina
  • Organización Anarquista Tucumán (OAT) – Argentina
  • Organización Anarquista Cordoba (OAC) – Argentina
  • Organización Anarquista Santa Cruz (OASC) – Argentina
  • La Tordo Negro – Organización Anarquista Enterriana – Argentina
  • Organización Anarquista Impulso – Argentina

Sibling Organizations

  • Black Rose Anarchist Federation / Federación Anarquista Rosa Negra (BRRN) – USA

The post International Statement: We Denounce the Imperial Offensive on Venezuela appeared first on Black Rose/Rosa Negra Anarchist Federation.


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cross-posted from: https://news.abolish.capital/post/16177

Response to the Pro-War Left's "Petition" thecollective Mon, 12/29/2025 - 08:13

from Some anarchists from Central Europe, Eastern Europe, and the Balkans via email

A statement in support of Solidarity Collectives and ABC-Belarus has been published on the internet, signed by a number of groups and individuals. https://www.solidaritycollectives.org/en/on-silencing-voices-from-eastern-europe-at-anarchist-events-in-eu/

We are publishing our response, which is not, however, a dialogue with these open and covert supporters of militarism. We simply want to share our analysis publicly and strengthen the connection between people with an anti-militarist and revolutionary defeatist perspective.

The statement to which we are responding was written by supporters of the war, who reproduce a binary narrative for this purpose: empathetic and supportive Eastern European anarchists versus arrogant and unsupportive anarchists from Western Europe. This narrative is false and manipulative. Those who share this narrative refuse to acknowledge that criticism of pro-war projects such as Solidarity Collectives and ABC (Belarus) also exists within the anarchist milieu in Eastern Europe. The signatories of the statement ignore this anti-militarist tendency in their narrative or lie when they claim that these are Putinists or pro-Russian propagandists. They repeatedly claim that the "Eastern European voice" is overlooked in Western Europe, while they themselves overlook anti-militarist and anti-war voices from Eastern European regions. It should be added that these overlooked voices also come from a relatively large number of people directly from the war zone. By this we mean not only anarchist collectives, but also other working-class people who refuse to support the war efforts of "their" and neighboring states. Let's look at how many people have deserted from the Russian and Ukrainian armies and how many people in both countries are avoiding mobilization(1). Hundreds of thousands of people are ignored by this "radical left" that tells us it represents the voices of Eastern Europe and fights against the arrogance of the West. Their binary narrative is hypocritical. The contradiction is not between anarchists from the West and those from the East. There is only a contradiction between the revolutionary and counterrevolutionary tendencies, which exist in all regions.

We quote from their statement: “They are writing various kinds of “statements” condemning work in support of Ukrainian resistance to the Russian invasion.”

We respond: We do not condemn resistance to the Russian invasion. We are not even opposed to armed struggle, as long as it does not replicate militaristic logic and is directed against states and their armies. However, we reject the strategy of conventional warfare and militaristic forms of struggle. From an anarchist perspective, resistance to the aggressive policies of one state (e.g., Russia) should not be a practical service in the defense of another state (e.g., Ukraine). We support autonomous resistance against Putinism and Russian imperialism, but also against the Zelensky regime and EU/NATO imperialism. This is anarchist resistance against war. From anarchistnews.org - We create the anarchy we want in the world via This RSS Feed.

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Hey comrades ❤️❤️❤️

Hopefully you are doing well I’m Onandrah, a trans woman and refugee living in Sudan with my sisters. I haven’t shared our full story here before so I want to do that gently and honestly.

Earlier this year, we were attacked by a homophobic gang. During that time I lost my phone, our safety disappeared overnight and everything became unstable. Since then it’s been one emergency after another …arrests, illness, displacement and long periods where I couldn’t stay online or explain what was happening. I didn’t disappear because I didn’t care. I disappeared because we were trying to survive.

Right now we’re in a very serious situation.

One of my sisters ,Olivia is still in the hospital being treated for malaria and typhoid. She’s very weak and the doctors are demanding $172 to clear her treatment. They’ve already warned me they may take my phone if the bill isn’t paid, which terrifies me because this phone is my only way to reach support.

Another sister, Charity is still in jail. I was able to visit her recently, and what she told me broke my heart. She’s being abused inside the cell, ordered to sleep in a dark, wet corner on bare cement, with no mat or covering. I tried to speak to the police, but they refused to listen — they only care about bail. We need $213 to secure her release before she’s taken to court.

I hate asking for help. I really do. But this is about keeping my sisters alive, safe and out of further harm. Any support donation, a share or even a bump helps more than I can explain.

Thank you for reading, for holding space and for any solidarity you’re able to offer. Support link is in my profile ❤️🙏🏻

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cross-posted from: https://news.abolish.capital/post/15555

How to explain your anarchism to people at holiday gatherings (or anywhere else) thecollective Wed, 12/24/2025 - 05:32


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cross-posted from: https://news.abolish.capital/post/14941

Is the labor movement a socialist/anarchist movement? thecollective Sun, 12/21/2025 - 05:52


From anarchistnews.org - We create the anarchy we want in the world via This RSS Feed.

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cross-posted from: https://news.abolish.capital/post/13511

Santiago, Chile: Barricades in Memory of the Anarchist Comrade Sebastián Oversluij thecollective Sun, 12/14/2025 - 05:37


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submitted 4 months ago* (last edited 4 months ago) by thelastaxolotl@hexbear.net to c/anarchism@hexbear.net

cross-posted from: https://news.abolish.capital/post/11749

The voice of an anarchist who fled Ukraine to escape mobilization and war thecollective Thu, 12/04/2025 - 15:10

Mainstream media and even some “anarchist” or “radical left” media outlets bombard us with reports about soldiers on the front lines, but stubbornly refuse to listen to the voices of those who reject war and violent mobilization for war purposes. We take a different approach. We prefer to give space to the voices of those who fled the war rather than to hypocrites who describe the war as a liberation struggle.

Viatcheslav is an anarchist who fled mobilization. To quote him: “I refused to join the army and fled at the beginning of the war in 2022. It’s not that I particularly like Putin’s regime; I know very well that he is a dictator and that under his regime I would have no freedom and, as an anarchist, my life would even be in danger. But I have no desire to sacrifice my life so that the Ukrainian bourgeoisie can enjoy their privileges, so that the sons of oligarchs my age can continue to sunbathe on the beaches of Odessa while I tremble with fear in a trench, waiting to be bombed by a drone. War is also a class issue: if you are rich, it is very easy to obtain a medical certificate and be exempted from going to the front. That is not my case. It is not fair. That is why I decided to leave. Here in France, I was not welcomed with open arms.”

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submitted 4 months ago* (last edited 4 months ago) by hellinkilla@hexbear.net to c/anarchism@hexbear.net

Came across this article because I was believing the Proudhon story, and trying to refresh my memory. But here I find it credibly disputed so I consider myself debunked.

Here is full text only in hopes it will be read, not because it is a reactionary site. Please have some love for comrades at Freedom News.

The circled A at 60 part one: Birth of a symbol

part 1: full text + images

The circled A at 60 part one: Birth of a symbol

Art & Anarchy, Aug 23rd

This story was first published 5 April 2024 [editor]

We can thoroughly search all the archives, going back in time as far as possible and across all continents; however, reality is stubborn, and one fact remains unyielding: prior to April 1964, an A in a circle had never symbolised anarchy or anarchism. No poster, no graffiti, nor any trace whatsoever. This absence of evidence, however, does not conceal any mystery; rather, it simply reflects the straightforward fact that the circled A couldn’t exist before being conceived, which happened precisely in April 1964.

As of April 2024, sixty years have passed since the circled A was publicly presented as a proposed symbol of anarchism. While documents attesting to its origin will endure for a long time, the opportunity to provide first-hand testimony is rapidly diminishing. Therefore, I see no reason to delay any longer the compilation and dissemination of this information, although Marianne Enckell and Amedeo Bertolo covered the essential aspects in an article from 2002, which will be included as the third installment in this series.

The importance of specifying the origin of the A in a circle lies not so much in clarifying exactly where and by whom it was conceived, but rather in delimiting its meaning, as this explains its extraordinary dissemination. Nor is it about claiming for a clearly unwarranted paternity, because although the circled A was indeed introduced and proposed in April 1964, it only gained significance as a symbol through the collective efforts of thousands of anarchists worldwide, who adopted and incorporated it into various media, including walls, flags, banners, publications, and even tattoos. Consequently, the circled A has arguably become the most widespread political symbol in the world, epitomizing anarchism with unparalleled clarity.

The symbol is undeniably the result of extensive collective work, but before becoming a symbol, the process of its creation was also collective. Although a specific person [the author, Tomás Ibáñez. Ed.] initiated the proposal, that is, the idea of creating a simple and easy-to-draw symbol that, devoid of ties to any specific anarchist group or organization, could increase the visibility of anarchism through its presence in all graphic expressions of the anarchist movement, the acceptance of this proposal within the group of young libertarians in Paris was the outcome of extensive discussions and, thus, collective endeavour. The pursuit of the most suitable design and the final selection were likewise communal activities. And although one single person was responsible for drawing it on a stencil, both the production of the carefully mimeographed bulletin in a companion’s flat and its distribution continued to be collective activities.

Original circled A, by the Paris group of the Young Libertarians

Furthermore, the intent behind recounting the circumstances which surround its genesis is twofold: to debunk fanciful tales circulating about its origins, and to reaffirm the concept of anarchism embodied by the circled A. From its inception, the aim was for the symbol to be owned by no one so it could belong to all. And indeed, the will to design a symbol that did not refer to any existing anarchist organisation, acronym, or collective was decisive in ensuring its place within the broader anarchist sphere. Its independence from any ownership meant it could be claimed by anyone who resonated with its ethos.

Moreover, the circled A’s proposal aimed not to homogenize the diverse spectrum of anarchism but to celebrate its plurality while providing a shared reference point. It was necessary to ensure that what was common to all anarchist sensibilities could manifest itself without invocation of any centralising principle. We had to accept the dispersal of anarchist forms of organisation, but at the same time introduce a principle of confluence that would bring all these forms together. The circled A avoids any temptation to integrate anarchism under a single formula, ensuring that its diversity is reflected in the undifferentiated use of an icon that belongs equally to each of its streams and modalities.

Like the definition of archipelagos, which are described as a collection of islands united by what separates them_,_ the circled A aimed to transform what separates the different streams of anarchism into a link between them, without erasing their specificity. The idea was to encourage a confederation of singularities united by a family resemblance and a common ground beneath the multiplicity of sensibilities and struggles. This recalls Gilles Deleuze’s beautiful phrase defining anarchy as “that strange singularity which can only be said of the multiple”.

Additionally, the symbol’s resonance with local grassroots initiatives and spontaneity eschews the principle of representation since a circled A does not represent anarchism and cannot claim to do so. Unlike an official stamp, it does not authenticate anything because no one has the legitimacy to authorise its use. The fact that anyone can use this icon freely means that it escapes any principle of representation and refers only to the responsibility of the user. This perhaps explains why the form of this symbol has diversified considerably, especially thanks to the punk movement, expressing individual creativity without ever losing its powerful association with anarchism.

One last consideration to place the origin of the circled A. Its creation happened in the context of intense militant activity in the 1960s to encourage the convergence of different sectors of anarchism. Thus, at the end of 1963, the Comité de Liaison des Jeunes Anarchistes (CLJA) and the Liaison des Étudiants Anarchistes (LEA) were created simultaneously in Paris. The CLJA did not claim to be a new anarchist organisation but simply a meeting point between members of different organisations, while the LEA brought together anarchist students belonging to various collectives. Transcending borders, this effort to bring together different fragments of anarchism culminated in a major European Meeting of Young Anarchists held in Paris in April 1966, with a very active presence of young libertarians from Milan, who adopted the circled A and widely spread it in Italy, bringing it out of the shadows where it had been kept by the lack of enthusiasm it had aroused, and thus projecting it onto the international scene.

original proposal for the circled-A

Here is a translation of the original April 1964 text:

… parallel to their work of non-formalist self-education, they aim to spread as widely as possible the fundamental ideas of anarchism.
The dissemination of issues related to libertarian emancipation requires the involvement of all individuals, the involvement of all individuals who advocate for an anarchist society as the sole path toward the complete realization of humanity.
Regardless of the different currents (philosophical nuances) or the different groups and organizations (practical nuances), no activist should object to any effort that contributes to the wider dissemination of propaganda, thereby enhancing its effectiveness and demonstrating the unity of Anarchism amidst its diverse conceptions and expressions.
Why do we propose this symbol that we PROPOSE TO THE ENTIRE ANARCHIST MOVEMENT and why this one in particular?
It stems from two primary motivations. Firstly, it aims to streamline and expedite the creation of wall inscriptions and posters. Secondly, it aims to enhance the visibility of the anarchist movement within society by incorporating a common element shared across all anarchist expressions in the public sphere.
Specifically, our objective was to minimize the time required to create wall inscriptions by avoiding the need to write a lengthy signature beneath our slogans. Additionally, we want to choice a symbol broad enough to be embraced and used by all anarchists.
We believe the proposed symbol best fulfils these criteria. By consistently pairing it with the term “anarchist,” it will trigger associations with anarchism in people’s minds (akin to the phenomenon of the Celtic cross linked with the Jeune Nation organization).
Moreover, this symbol serves a dual purpose for anarchist enhancement: firstly, by accelerating and facilitating the creation of anarchist messaging, and secondly, by appearing in graphic representations of the various anarchist groups, tendencies, and organizations.
By adopting the letter “A” (which bears no resemblance to JJLL), we aim to demonstrate our commitment to reciprocal solidarity and to pave the way for the widespread adoption of this efficient and practical approach.
Young Libertarians Paris Group

~ Tomás Ibáñez


The circled A at 60 part 2: True and false

part 2: full text + images

The circled A at 60: True and false

Art & Anarchy, Apr 12th

Read part 1 of this series here.

Despite well-documented evidence of its origin, numerous fanciful speculations persist, including within anarchist circles and many libertarian historiographies that explore the symbol’s origin. It’s essential to clarify that we are concerned with the history of an anarchist symbol rather than a specific design. While representations of the letter A enclosed within a circle have certainly existed for centuries, they held no connection to anarchism.

Here are a few true and false statements about the circled A.

→ The circled A has always part of anarchism: False

The connection between the circled A symbol and anarchism is so deeply ingrained that for a significant period, it was believed they were inherently linked and had ancient origins. The lack of information surrounding its inception fostered a sense of mystery, perpetuating this misconception.

A Rivista cover, Milan, 1971

→ The circled A did not appear until April 1964: True

It developed gradually as a symbol of anarchism, becoming widespread only from the 1970s onwards, starting in Italy.

→ The circled A was intended to evoke “order without power”, following Proudhon’s well known sentence: False

This assertion suggests that the “A” of anarchy, symbolizing the absence of power, is enclosed within the “O” of order. However, this interpretation was never conceived by the young libertarians who sought to establish a symbol for anarchy. There is no connection between the circled A and Proudhon’s concept, nor with the notion of order, as evidenced by the diverse evolution of the circled A, particularly when it was revitalized by the punk movement, transcending the confines of a closed circle.

AIT seal

→ The seal of the Federal Council of the International Workers Association of Spain depicted a circle A from 1870 onwards: False

This seal, featuring a combination of a square and a plumb line, bears a closer resemblance to freemasonry than anarchism. At the time, the Spanish section of the IWA, despite being heavily influenced by Bakunin, did not explicitly identify as anarchist. Therefore, the seal did not intend to symbolize anarchism.

→ The circled A already appeared on the helmet of a militiaman during the Spanish Revolution: False

Despite efforts to discern a circled A on the helmet, it’s challenging to interpret the depicted lines as forming the symbol. Even if a militiaman had indeed drawn a circled A on his helmet, it wouldn’t represent a symbol of anarchism, as the circled A was entirely absent from the Spanish Revolution.

Durutti with a militiaman

AOA symbol

→ The circled A appeared in the Bulletin of the Alliance Ouvrière Anarchiste (Anarchist Workers Alliance) as early as 1957: False

What was featured in the bulletin of this small French-speaking anarchist organization was the acronym of AOA, with the letter “O” (for Ouvrière) enclosed within the letter “A” (for Alliance) and a second letter “A” (for Anarchist) inserted within the letter “O.” This contrasts sharply with the circled A which could only symbolize anarchy when detached from any specific organization. It wasn’t until June 1968, four years after its inception, that the circled A was utilized in the AOA bulletin.

~ Tomás Ibáñez


The circled A at 60 part three: The true story

Part 3: full text + images

The circled A at 60 part three: The true story

Features, Aug 28th

Pic: An anarchist gathering in Sudan in 2022, prior to the outbreak of civil war

The circled A is a symbol so widespread, so widely recognised and disseminated that it has come to be taken as a traditional symbol of anarchism, seeming to have existed forever. Some rumours trace its origin back to the Spanish Revolution: young anarchists are more accustomed to seeing a circled A than the clearly discernible target painted on a militiaman’s helmet as seen in a photo with Durruti. Some believe it refers to Proudhon, encapsulating his idea of Anarchy in Order. In fact, it is a recent phenomenon in libertarian iconography: the circled A was invented in Paris in 1964 and reinvented in Milan in 1966. Two dates, two birthplaces? Let’s take a closer look.


Read Part 1 and Part 2 of this series.


It was in April 1964, on the cover of the Jeunes Libertaires bulletin, that the Groupe JL de Paris drew the symbol it was proposing “to the whole anarchist movement” across the different currents, groups, and organisations_._

“It stems from two primary motivations. Firstly, it aims to streamline and expedite the creation of wall inscriptions and posters, and secondly, to enhance the visibility of the anarchist movement within society by incorporating a common element shared across all anarchist expressions in the public sphere. Specifically, our objective was to minimise the time required for creating wall inscriptions by avoiding the need for lengthy signatures beneath our slogans while also selecting a symbol broad enough to be embraced and utilised by all anarchists. We believe the proposed symbol best fulfils these criteria. By consistently pairing it with the term “anarchist,” it will trigger associations with anarchism in people’s minds”.

The 1964 JL proposal had no success, except for some graffiti in the corridors of the Paris metro – let’s not forget that at that time, leaflets and newspapers were printed either on stencils (a fragile medium) or in conventional letterpress, so a lead plate showing an A in a circle would have been necessary. In December of the same year, the circled A appeared in the title of an article by Tomás [Ibañez] in the newspaper Action Libertaire. The Jeunes Libertaires network, which in the early sixties included several groups throughout France, had weakened: regional bulletins no longer appeared, and the Paris bulletin was inactive from 1965 to 1967. However, several “JL” would later be at the forefront of the May ’68 movement. End of the first chapter.

The proposed symbol is a capital A inscribed in a circle; Tomás Ibañez (pictured) is the initiator, and René Darras is the designer. Where did the idea come from? From the simplicity of the design, from the already widespread anti-nuclear sign of the CND (Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament), or from other inspirations?

The Alliance Ouvrière Anarchiste (Anarchists Workers Alliance) claims to have used it in its correspondence from the late 1950s, thus marking its initials AOA, but it did not appear in its bulletin L’Anarchie until June 1968.

It wasn’t until 1966 that the circled A symbol was used experimentally, and then, in 1968, it was used regularly by the Gioventù libertaria of Milan, which maintained fraternal relations with the young Parisians. These two groups formed the European Liaison Committee of Young Anarchists (CLJA). It was then that the public life of the symbol began.

The first time we saw it was in Milan, where it was used as the usual signature on leaflets and posters of young anarchists, sometimes in association with the anti-nuclear symbol and the apple of the Dutch Provos. It spread throughout Italy and then worldwide, but hardly any circled A was seen during the Paris May of 1968, with the first traces appearing only in 1972-73. During those years, the popularity of the circled A exploded and was appropriated and imitated by young anarchists worldwide. It was so successful that if its inventor had patented it, he’d be a billionaire today…

Why this rapid and striking success? Basically, it was due to the same reasons for which the JL proposed the symbol: firstly, it’s extremely easy to draw, as simple as a cross or a star, simpler than the swastika or the sickle and hammer. Secondly, a new, young movement, in full development, had learned to write on walls and was seeking a recognisable symbol.

That is how the circled A came to be adopted, without any organisation or group ever thinking to decree its use and in the absence of any other international graphic symbol for anarchists (who sometimes used outdated symbols, like the torch in Italy).

So that’s the true story of the circled A, made of conscious will and spontaneity: a typically libertarian cocktail. Any other story is merely legend.

~ Amedeo Bertolo, Marianne Enckell


This story was first published in April 2023 [editor].

The documentation used in this series of texts is deposited at CSL-Archivio Pinelli (Milan) and CIRA (Lausanne). A first version of this article was published in 2001 in Bollettino Archivio Pinelli (via Rovetta 27, 20 170 Milano). This version appeared in 2002 in the CIRA bulletin no.58.


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