this post was submitted on 01 Jan 2024
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We are reading Volumes 1, 2, and 3 in one year. This will repeat yearly until communism is achieved. (Volume IV, often published under the title Theories of Surplus Value, will not be included, but comrades are welcome to set up other bookclubs.) This works out to about 6½ pages a day for a year, 46 pages a week.

I'll post the readings at the start of each week and @mention anybody interested.

Week 1, Jan 1-7, we are reading Volume 1, Chapter 1 'The Commodity'

Discuss the week's reading in the comments.

Use any translation/edition you like. Marxists.org has the Moore and Aveling translation in various file formats including epub and PDF: https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1867-c1/

Ben Fowkes translation, PDF: http://libgen.is/book/index.php?md5=9C4A100BD61BB2DB9BE26773E4DBC5D

AernaLingus says: I noticed that the linked copy of the Fowkes translation doesn't have bookmarks, so I took the liberty of adding them myself. You can either download my version with the bookmarks added, or if you're a bit paranoid (can't blame ya) and don't mind some light command line work you can use the same simple script that I did with my formatted plaintext bookmarks to take the PDF from libgen and add the bookmarks yourself.


Resources

(These are not expected reading, these are here to help you if you so choose)


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[–] [email protected] 3 points 8 months ago* (last edited 8 months ago) (2 children)

I've finally done it! I finally got through Chapter 1! What a ride.

Edit:

My thoughts after completing this chapter:

While not a historical “origins of money” it is an excellent logical argument as to WHY money arises within a society based on commodity exchange. I've been in the middle of conversations with libs/conservatives about “returning to a barter system” and this just eviscerates that whole train of thinking right at the root. At some point, the act of equating all these commodities with each other will eventually unearth the universal equivalent commodity within that market. This process is driven by the likely desire to simplify this process of exchange and make the exchange more efficient and easier to measure and track. What collection of people would, in their right minds, want to engage in a market where its principal method of exchange is the same process as the “I traded a paperclip for a house” guy?

It also illuminated the Gold Standard in a way that not only allowed me to understand why the Gold Standard came into existence, but also why liberal economics needed it to die. Transitioning the US$ to the universal equivalent commodity gives more control over its supply and nearly decouples it from labor as a source of value. This is my highly uneducated take, anyway. My only thinking in this regard is that the act of printing dollars (baring significant modifications to the physical dollar itself) is a nearly automated task. In comparison to the acquisition of gold from the earth, it might as well be manifested by magic.

There is an interesting trend line post Gold Standard where national debt seems to never deflate, and even liberal thinkers on this topic seem to agree it is related to the ease of the dollars' production. Often, I suspect, they miss the forest for the trees, in regard to why the Gold Standard truly prevented that type of economic intervention. That being the labor required for its extraction. Likewise, the growing movement of dedollarization has parallels to the rejection of the Bretton Woods system by some nations that eventually resulted in the dismantling of the Gold Standard in 1971 by Nixon. It would seem that once a given society has dominant control over the universal equivalent commodity within a global economic system, it erodes the social bonds that forged that universal commodity to begin with. The fascinating bit, to me, is you can then see the dollar transition into a pure fetishized form as it is decoupled from gold.

But as soon as it emerges as a commodity, it changes into a thing which transcends sensuousness. It not only stands with its feet on the ground, but, in relation to all other commodities, it stands on its head, and evolves out of its wooden brain grotesque ideas, far more wonderful than if it were to begin dancing of its own free will.

The dollar, a simple amalgamation of fibers and inks, printed in seconds at an industrial scale, runs away with nearly all, if not more, of the value originating from gold. It is propelled through the economy, powered purely by faith. Faith imparted on society by the daily sermons of its acolytes, a desperate ritual akin to a dog frantically attempting to keep a balloon in the air.

The dual nature of the commodity, how it is both something material and social in its existence, was very revealing. While it is something I feel I naturally understood, it was not something, I had ever given serious thought. As a mundane comparison, it's akin to learning how parallax movement or forward or reverse zooming was accomplished pre-digital animation at Walt Disney: Several pains of glass, each with a painted segment of the backdrop on it, affixed to rails that allowed each to be moved independently and then recorded into a single flat frame, its 3-dimensional nature obscured and transposed into a 2-dimensional reality that serves as your point of view. It isn't until you see the process in its true dimensionality that you can fully grasp how it works. This dual nature also exposes the potential reality where, a society with different goals and structures, operates purely on use-values. Something Marx makes a few winks and nods to throughout the chapter, and eventually explores more intentionally near the end.

It reveals that the only real concern of an individual seeking an object is of its usefulness to himself, and that how the exchange of that object happens defines all exchanges and, ultimately, how society is structured. It dissolves the notion that the kind of commodity exchanges we participate in daily are “natural”, meaning, it shows how it is not part of nature or the nature of people both past or present.

I might edit this with more to say later.

[–] [email protected] 2 points 8 months ago (1 children)
[–] [email protected] 1 points 8 months ago (1 children)

Abstract Labor is still a little fuzzy for me. I get the sense its labor in general, or the average of labor, or the unspecific, unspecialized, "unskilled" labor. Concrete Labor feels very clear to me, as labor that a person performs (maybe as an individual?) Be it physical or mental labor.

[–] [email protected] 2 points 8 months ago (1 children)

I get the sense its labor in general, or the average of labor, or the unspecific, unspecialized, "unskilled" labor.

Yes, it's basically this.

It's not a different thing, just a different concept.

Like if you say "it took 2000 man-hours to build this house", you are considering labour in the abstract, as a measuring-tool.

[–] [email protected] 1 points 8 months ago (1 children)

Ok, yeah, glad I was on the right track. Thanks!

[–] [email protected] 1 points 8 months ago (1 children)

Except the word "unskilled" isn't really right, it includes skilled and unskilled.

[–] [email protected] 2 points 8 months ago

Got it, I'll amend my personal notes to reflect that because I think I put “unskilled” there too.

[–] [email protected] 2 points 8 months ago* (last edited 8 months ago) (1 children)

I was just looking through this thread and saw this comment. The money stuff is quite interesting to think about. You will like chapter 3 if you’re into money

While not a historical “origins of money” it is an excellent logical argument as to WHY money arises within a society based on commodity exchange.

Yeah exactly! I don’t think it is entirely ahistorical but we certainly have today more detailed archaeological knowledge about the historical development of money.

Radhika Desai and Michael Hudson are two Marxists who have interesting views on money. Hudson in particular is one of the world’s experts on money, having led teams at Harvard to study debt in the ancient Near East. What he found is that debt is a constant through societies, and that what keeps the world stable is periodic debt jubilees; something that modern liberal governments explicitly refuse to do.

Marx clearly also understood money to not be exclusive to capitalism, saying in Capital ch 3:

The class-struggles of the ancient world took the form chiefly of a contest between debtors and creditors, which in Rome ended in the ruin of the plebeian debtors. They were displaced by slaves. In the middle ages the contest ended with the ruin of the feudal debtors, who lost their political power together with the economic basis on which it was established. Nevertheless, the money relation of debtor and creditor that existed at these two periods reflected only the deeper-lying antagonism between the general economic conditions of existence of the classes in question.

Desai, for her part, believes in the basic accuracy of the historiography of money in Capital. But she adds that in reality it was not so neat and tidy. Capitalist money, rather than developing on its own foundation, attached itself to the real conditions in which capitalism found itself in the 15th century or so. So in some ways, the chaos of the monetary system has its roots in trying to force a thing to take on a form required by capitalism (as outlined in Capital) which may be unnatural to it.

Finally, it is easy for one to forget that there are two kinds of money, and Marx only discusses one kind in volume 1: commodity money. Today, money is primarily credit money i.e. debt, created by private banks independently of the state. Marx anticipated credit money as well in chapter 3, but says it is outside the scope:

We allude here only to inconvertible paper money issued by the State and having compulsory circulation. It has its immediate origin in the metallic currency. Money based upon credit implies on the other hand conditions, which, from our standpoint of the simple circulation of commodities, are as yet totally unknown to us. But we may affirm this much, that just as true paper money takes its rise in the function of money as the circulating medium, so money based upon credit takes root spontaneously in the function of money as the means of payment.

[–] [email protected] 1 points 8 months ago (1 children)

It really has me thinking about all kinds of stuff honestly. Back in the day I was a huge Magic The Gathering player, and these early chapters had me thinking about MTGs secondary market and how sets and rotations impacted the value of any given card. Had me thinking about Pucatrade and its closure. The points system, which was supposed to be the money in its trade economy became wildly inflated as time went on. Really interesting reddit thread where people discuss its failings.

I also love to DM dnd/ttrpgs and these early chapters also had me thinking about the class relations and economic relations of D&D. I think a lot of people fall back on our familiarity with our time and places understanding of economy and try to shoehorn those ideas into a vaguely feudal setting. Not a lot of thought goes into how a given "small village with a tavern" stays afloat, and all transactions with in that space are effectively money transactions. However, it's way more likely that someone trades their labor for a nights stay and a hot meal then some coin. Or the tavern owner need the labor and is willing to provide room and a meal in exchange.

Along those lines it begs some questions. What is the economic relations of a civilization of dwarfs whose lifespan can be nearly 400 years+? Would they even value gold in the same way a human civilization does? Would they even have an economy based on commodity exchange? if not what does that look like and how does it shape their social relations? How does that impact their diplomatic relations?

Its all a lot to chew on, and makes me excited for the rest of the book.

[–] [email protected] 1 points 8 months ago

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