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The Kremlin has accused U.S. President Joe Biden of adding fuel to the fire and seeking to escalate the conflict in Ukraine by lifting restrictions on long-range weapons.

Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov’s comments on November 18 come after reports that Biden has granted Ukraine permission to use U.S. weapons to strike deeper into Russia.

The development comes after months of lobbying by Ukrainian officials, including President Volodymyr Zelenskiy, for Western states to give Kyiv the green light to use donated weapons to their full potential to hit targets currently out of range.

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An investigation by RFE/RL has uncovered that family members of a Ukrainian legislator from President Volodymyr Zelenskiy's Servant of the People party has property in Dubai worth more than $1 million -- well beyond what they could have likely afforded on their official incomes.

The revelation follows earlier findings by RFE/RL of secret Dubai property held by family members of 10 senior current and former Ukrainian officials.

The latest findings concern the daughter and nephew of Hennadiy Kasai, who sits on the Defense Committee in the Ukrainian parliament.

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Looking ahead, if Iran continues its direct engagement strategy, several outcomes are likely to reshape the regional power landscape. Iran’s focus on countering the U.S. and Israel rather than posing a threat to neighboring Arab states opens a window for regional solidarity. Recognizing this shared objective, Arab and Muslim countries in the region may find strategic alignment with Iran beneficial, forming a united deterrent bloc that challenges Israeli policies and reduces its influence. This coalition could embolden the broader “Axis of Resistance,” fostering a regional front rooted in a shared commitment to resist perceived external aggression. However, balancing honor-driven action with strategic restraint remains crucial; any escalation risks exhausting resources and drawing the region into wider conflict. Iran’s evolving military doctrine thus reflects not only a response to immediate threats but also a longer-term vision to redefine power dynamics in a multipolar Middle East through strategic partnerships and collective resistance.

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After three years of war and at least two effective strategic stalemates, it is in both sides’ interests to seek a potential ceasefire agreement followed by some kind of durable compromise agreement, as neither is strong enough to achieve a decisive military victory. It is especially in Ukraine’s interest as Russia has the edge in military manpower and a more robust military production base and reserves compared to Ukraine. Yet, Russia still incurs heavy casualties for only incremental gains and perhaps reflecting this, it is willing – in principle at least – to seek some form of ceasefire, something the Russian leadership has signalled on numerous occasions, and indeed continues to do so.

A ceasefire alone will not be sufficient as it would simply freeze in place the gains Russia has made militarily since February 2022. To be meaningful and sustainable, any cessation of hostilities would need to open the way for a negotiated settlement. Any such resolution would, by definition, necessitate painful compromises on both sides. Yet, it is the only viable option to save lives and stabilise the economies of both countries.

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You probably already know that Russia’s war against Ukraine should have stopped this week.

That is, if we were to take seriously the self-imposed deadline U.S. President-elect Donald Trump advertised during the campaign. He said that the war can and should be “stopped” or “settled” within 24 hours, sometimes even implying that it would happen right after he’s elected, before he assumes office.

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But it’s a good illustration of the incoming U.S. president’s perception of Ukraine, Russia, and the war. It’s one of the most memorable things he said, but there were others: dismissive remarks about aid to Ukraine, implying that President Volodymyr Zelensky was getting too much from the U.S. (“the greatest salesman on Earth,” Trump sarcastically called him), and a flattering tone he saved for talking about Russian dictator Vladimir Putin (he called his invasion of Ukraine “genius” and “savvy”).

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It’s therefore understandable that Kyiv feels anxiety over Trump’s victory. As Ukrainians, we have no say in the U.S. election, but our future nonetheless depends on who wins it. If I had to capture the mood in Kyiv, I’d say it’s nauseating uncertainty.

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Navalny’s memoir, “Patriot,” which he began writing in Germany after recovering from being poisoned by a Novichok nerve agent in 2020 and continued writing during his imprisonment by smuggling out the notebooks through his lawyers, was released posthumously in English translation on Oct. 22. Its publication has sparked a new wave of accolades for the former opposition leader, who died on Feb. 16 in one of Russia’s most notorious penal colonies.

. . .

From prison, Navalny condemned the full-scale war against Ukraine and acknowledged it was unprovoked, directly challenging Putin's narrative that justifies the aggression through claims of NATO expansion and the need to protect Russia’s "sphere of influence."

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At the same time, Navalny also used words like “fratricidal” to describe the war and wrote that “the reasons for (it) are the political and economic problems within Russia, Putin’s desire to hold on to power at any cost, and his obsession with his own historical legacy,” which ultimately overlooks the genocidal intent behind it, such as the destruction of Ukrainian cultural sites, the forced relocation of thousands of Ukrainian children to Russia, and “re-education” programs implemented by occupation authorities.

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