Analyst Marcelo Ramirez points out that there are two clearly differentiated visions within BRICS: a more radical one, led by Russia and China, and a more cautious one, led by Brazil and India.
The consolidation of the Brics as a global player represents not only the shift of the economic and political center of gravity towards the Global South, but also the reflection of a profound crisis of the traditional international order, dominated by the United States and its Western allies.
However, tensions and strategic divergences are beginning to emerge within the bloc itself, which will mark its future as a real power alternative, according to geopolitical analyst Marcelo Ramírez, in a recent interview for teleSUR.
Ramirez identifies two main currents within the Brics. On the one hand, a “hard” core made up of Russia, China and Iran (the latter a member since 2024), which seeks a definite break with the current international system.
This group is committed to a profound transformation of global institutions, especially in the area of security, where a radical reform of the United Nations Security Council -more democratic, equitable and less concentrated in the veto power of the current five permanent countries- is proposed.
“Solving these internal tensions and approaches,” says Ramirez, “is the great challenge for it to really become a power alternative and not just a rhetorical organization.”
On the other hand, there is a group that Ramirez describes as the “negotiating” Brics, represented mainly by Brazil and, to a lesser extent, India, which seeks to advance in the construction of a new order without completely breaking with existing structures. This position reflects a more cautious strategy, seeking to maintain open channels with the West while pushing for gradual multipolarity.
“The idea of India managing the agenda puts a bit of lethargy and that hard stance which is what we are seeing with the Russia-Ukraine confrontation,” says the analyst, pointing out how Brazilian leadership in 2025 has introduced some sluggishness to the group's radicalization process.
This debate on the relationship with the international system is not new. As early as 2005, with the formation of the G4 (Brazil, India, Japan and Germany), a similar drive to expand representation on the UN Security Council was attempted. But that attempt failed, among other reasons, because there was no internal consensus, especially in Latin America, on whether the proposed seat was for the region or exclusively for Brazil.
“If we tend to repeat this kind of history, it will be difficult for us to confront a power that, although dying, is still very, very powerful,” warns Ramirez.
One of the most interesting cases is that of India, a country that maintains an ambiguous position, difficult to place in a single direction. As Ramirez points out, “India can be a friend of the West, of Russia or of China, depending on the sector we are talking about”. This behavior reflects a strategy of renewed non-alignment, but it also hinders the formation of a common foreign policy within the Brics.
A clear example is its defense policy. Although it has historically maintained strong military ties with Russia, in recent years it has diversified its suppliers, including acquisitions of French weaponry and technology from the U.S. and its allies.
“I believe that this is the great challenge for, for example, for the core sector of the Brics, which I said was the hardest, headed by Russia and China, to get India and Brazil to accompany this process and to break away,” explains the analyst.
In this context, the success of the Brics will depend on its ability to articulate a shared vision, overcome the divisions between a hard core and a negotiating wing, and propose concrete reforms that respond to the real needs of the Global South.
According to Marcelo Ramirez, the challenge is not small, but perhaps never before has there been so much collective awareness of the need to build an alternative. To this end, the Brics will have to resolve the crossroads: either it becomes a cohesive and transformative actor, or it is reduced to a rhetorical alliance in times of transition.